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I 



THE HISTORICAL STATUS 

... OF THE . . . 

NEGRO IN CONNECTICUT 

A PAPER READ BEFORE THE 

New Haven Colony S^ ^ 
^ ^ ^ Historical Society 

, . . BY . . . 

William C* Fowler^ LL, D. 

. . . AND , . . 

SOME BRIEF REMARKS 

ON THE ADDRESS OF THE 

Hon* Charles Francis Adams^ LL. D. 

^ PRONOUNCED ON THE OCCASION ^ 
^ OF THE DEDICATION OF A NEW ^ 
^ LIBRARY BUILDING FOR THE USE ^ 

... OF THE . . . 



btate Historical Society of vv : 

FOUNDED BY THE LATE 

LYMAN C. DRAPER. 

f^*^* (^* 5^* ^* ^^^ {(9* (^* 

^FROM THE CITY YEAR BOOK FOR 1900.) 



isconsin/^ 



/ 



THE HISTORICAL STATUS 

OF THE 7 2- 

Negro in Connecticut 

A Paper read before the New Haven Colony Historical Society, 

BY 

WILLIAM C. FOWLER, LL,D,, 

Copied from the Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries concerning the 

Antiquities, History and Biography of America. 

Vols. XXm-XXrV, I874-I875. 

Edited by HENRY B, DAWSON, New Yoi-fc. 

AND 

SOME BRIEF REMARKS ON THE 
ADDRESS OF THE 

Hon* Charles Francis Adams^ LL^D*^ 

Pronounced on the occasion of the dedication of a New Library Building 

for the use of the "State Historical Society ot Wisconsin." 

Founded by the late LYMAN C. DRAPER. 

PUBLISHED IN YEAR BOOK OF CITY OF CHARLESTON • 
FOR J 900 A. D. 



PBFFS OF 
KER, EVANS A COGSWELL CO., CHARLESTON, S- C 
1901 



\r 



vio-TA.>>_Af 



215 '01 



The Histofical Status of tlie Negfo in Connecticut, 



A Paper Read Before the 
New Haven Colony Historical Society, by 

WILLIAM C. FOWLER, LL.D. 



Copied from the Historical Magazine, and Notes and Queries, Con- 
cerning the Antiquities, History and Biography of America, 
Volumes XXIII-XXIV, 1874-1875, Edited by 
Henry B. Dawson, New York. 



Negroes were first introduced into Connecticut, as slaves. 
Slavery existed in Connecticut, two centuries or more. 

The slaves were not, in all cases, negroes. 

"On May 3d, 1638, William Holmes, by authority of a 
"power of attorney, executed on the 20th of October previous, 
"by the Company of New Plymouth, sold to Mathew Allyn, 
"of Hartford, all the lands, houses, servants, goods and chat- 
"tels of the Town of Windsor." * 

Lithe year 1644, "one Hagar" is mentioned, as having 
died. She was, probably, a negro 3r Indian slave. 

Whether these "servants," mentioned as being "sold,' 
were negroes, or Indians, or whites, it is impossible to say. 
Negro slaves had been introduced as early as 1620, eighteen 
years befoi't, into one of the (colonies; Indian slaves were 
owned in Massachusetts, at or near tliis time; white slave^ 
wei-e owned in England, in the reign of Qaccn Elizabeth 
who died in 1603, and also in the reign of James I, who 
died in 1625. This is stated on the authority of Lord Camp- 

* Stile's Ancient Windsor, 43. 



bell. Indian slaves were held in Massachusetts as early as 
1638, Negro slavery existed in the Colony of New Haven 
as early as 1644, or earlier. 

Slavery in Connecticut was the equivalent of tha slavery 
which had existed in England for centuries, and with which 
the emigrants were familiar. It was the equivalent of the 
slavery which existed among the tribes of Israel, with which 
the Bible had made them familiar. It was the equivalent of 
the slavery whicjj existed in the classic lands of Greece and 
Rome, with which their educated men were familiar. Negro 
slaves were owned by Theophilus Eaton, the first Governor 
of New Haven Colony; by John Evauce, a prominent man 
in the same Colony; by Hon. John Talcott; by Edward 
Hopkins, second Governor of Connecticut; and by Joseph 
Talcott and Samuel Huntington, both Governors, after the 
Colonies were united. 

"In the Articles uf Confederation of the four Colonies of 
"New England, in 1643, provision is made for an equitable 
"distribution, to the Confederates, of 'persons,' as well as 
"lands and goods, taken as the spoils of war." 

"The same Articles contain a provision from which, prob- 
"ably, that Article of the Federal Constitution was borrowed, 
"for the recapturing and rendition of servants escaping into 
"other jurisdictions. In the Narragansett War of 1675-6, 
"Massachusetts credits her general account of the war with 
" ' 188 prisoners of war, sold for £397,13.' " 

"In Connecticut, the hostile Indians, who had surrendered 
"before the termination of the war, were disposed of, for 
"the benefit of the Colony in service in English families." 
'": "In November, 1639, Gysbert Opdyck, Commissary at 
"the Dutch Fort, Hartford, by accident or otherwise, killed 
"a negro boy, Louis Berbice, from Dutch Guiana, belong- 
"ing to him." 

In the language of Mr. Trumbull, "This is the first black 
"servant, or slave, of whom I can find trace in Connecticut." 

"One of the principal grounds of complaint urged, in 



"1645, against the Dutch m Hartford, was their refusal to 
" surrender an Indian woman who had escaped from her 
"master, and was detained at the Fort of Good Hope. The 
"Commissioners of the Colonies protested against this out- 
"rage, for such a servant is a part of her master's estate, 
"and a more considerable part than a beast,' and thought 
"that their 'children would not long be secure, if this was 
"suffered.' " 

As early at least as 1653, John Pantry, of Hartford, held 
slaves, as appears by the inventory of his estate. Joseph 
Clarke, of Saybrook, by his will, "gave £15 to his father to 
"buy him a servant." 

"In May, 1660, Col. George Fenwick: in 1662, John 
"Latimer; in 1686, Richard Lord; in 1688, Hon. John 
"Taleott, as appears by their inventories of those dates, were 
"the owners of slaves." 

"In April, 1717, a Town Meeting, in New London, voted 
"to 'utterly oppose and protect against Robert Jacklin, a 
"negro man's buying anv land in the town, or being an 
"inhabitant;' and instructed their Representatives to move 
"the General Assembly to take some prudent care that no 
' "person of that color may ever have any possessions or free- 
"hold estate within the Government." 

"In May, 1717, the Lower House passed a Bill prohibit- 
"ing negroes purchasing land, without liberty from the town, 
"and also from living in families of their own, without such 
"liljerty." * 

Negro slaves were owned by Rev. John Davenport, of 
New Haven; by Rev. Timothy Woodbridge, of Hartford; 
by Rev. Joseph Eliot, of Guilford; by Rev. Jared Eliot, of 
J^illingworth, now Clinton, by Rev. Nathaniel Chauncey, 
of Durham; by Rev. Noadiah Russell, of Middletown; by 
Rev. William Worthington, of Saybrook; and by many 
otUer clergymen. Negro slaves were also owned by clergy- 

* J. Hammond Trumbull. 



6 



men who originated in Connecticut, but were settled else- 
where. By Kev. John Kussell and Rev. Isaac Chauncey, 
of Hadley; by Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of Northampton; 
and by Rev. Ezra Stiles, of Newport. These men were the 
exponents of the slave-owners in Connecticut. In their wills 
or the inventories of their estates, slaves were regarded as 
chattels, to be bequeathed or distributed. 

While the leading men, the Clergy and the Deacons, thus 
held slaves and employed them, in the family and in the 
field, they were distinguished for their Puritan piety and 
their high appreciation of civil and religious liberty They 
practised family slavery; but they abhorred political slavery, 
religious slavery, and military slavery. They believed in 
the distinctions of superiors, equals and inferiors. They 
spoke of these distinctions in their prayers, and acted in 
accordance with them, in public and private life. 

Tlie emigrants from England were accustomed to distinc- 
tions in society there. The Clergy, after their settlement in the 
two Colonies, practically united, in themselves, a large part of 
the authority and influence enjoyed by the Clergy of the Church 
of England. They were addressed by the title of ' ' Reverend, ' ' 
or ' ' Reverend Sir, ' ' or " Mr. ' ' The Governor and assistants, 
and the Justices of the Peace, and others in authority, were 
treated with great respect, and addressed by the title of 
"Worshipful," or "Your Worship," or ''Esquire." Equals 
were addressed by the title "Mr.," "Neighbor," "Brother." 
Inferiors were addressed by the title "Good man," or with- 
out a title. 

When they and their descendants, for several generations, 
took their ocats in the House of God, they were reminded of 
these distinctions, inasmuch as these distinctions furnished 
the rule for seating the house. When they listened to the 
prayers, or it maybe to the sermon, they heard the same 
distinctions referred to. As they read the New Testament 
they saw. distinctly, the relation of superior and inferior 
between God and man, in which obedience was required by 



the one, and yielded by the other. They saw the relation of 
superior and inferior between ruler and subject, in which 
obedience was required by tlie one, and yielded by the other. 
They saw the relation of superior and inferior between hus- 
band and wife, in which obedience is required by the one, 
and yielded by the other. They saw the relation of superior 
and inferior between parent and child, in which obedience is 
required hy the one, and yielded by the other. They saw 
the relation of superior ■ and inferior between master and 
slave, in which obedience is required by the one, and yielded 
by the other. Moreover, they read in the Hebrew Law, 
"Both thy bondmen and thy handmaids, which thou shalt 
" have, shall be of the heathen which are round about you; 
"of them shall you buy bondmen and handmaids." 

It is true that they believed that Eve was the mother of 
all living; just as they or others believed that "the sun 
"riseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteth to the place 
"whence he arose;" just as they or others believed that, in 
six natural days, God created tln^. world. But this belief of 
their' s, in regard to the oneness of the races, created no 
embarrassment in their minds, in regard to slavery; for as 
they looked upon the form, features and color of the negro, 
they saw a standing miracle in attestation of the curse pro- 
nounced upon Canaan and his descendants — "a servant of 
"servants shall he be unto his brethren." 

While the Puritans of Connecticut thus looked into the 
Bible for the rules of duty and the doctrines of religion, 
they could not help seeing that the chosen people of God, 
distinguished, among contemj)orary nations for their high 
civilization, held slaves under the sanctions of the great 
Lawgiver. So that every time they repeated the Decalogue, 
whether as children in the family, or at school, they saw 
what, to them, was full proof that their neighbor's "man- 
servant and maid-servant" were his property, which tliey 
had no right to covet. Moreover, they felt bound to send 
back to their masters fugitive slaves; just as the Angel sent 



8 



l)ack the fugitive slave, Hagar, to her mistress, Sarah; just 
as the Apostle Paul sent back the fugitive slave, Onesimus, 
to his master, Philemon. 

Moreover, if they studied history, they found that the 
highest specimens of the human race, in mental and moral 
worth, had been exhibited in slave-holding countries, like 
Greece and Rome. 

Slavery, too, had existed in England, in form and in fact, 
for many generations; and still existed, in fact, when the 
first immigrants came to this country. It existed in the other 
Colonies east, north and west of Connecticut; and after 
Locke became a standard author in New England, his readers 
found, in his Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, this pro- 
vision, "Every freeman shall have Absolute power and 
"authority over his Negro Slave." 

The views of tliinking people of Connecticut on the subject 
of slavery in former times, can be more fully understoi/d 
from the following argument. It would exceed my limits to 
give the whole history of the case. 

GOVERNOE SALTONSTAL'S ARGUMENT, IN 
FAVOR OF SLAVERY. 

Capt. Thomas Riehards's Case, laid before the Honh'l 
Gen'll Assembly in New Haven, Oct. 12th, 1704. 

"The Complaint is tliat several applications which he has 
"made to severall officers in the Government, and to the 
"former Gen'll Assembly, in May, 1703, for the regaining of 
"Abda, a slave of his, the said Richards; an supposed to be 
"a Molatto; have been ineffectuall; and he thereupon prays 
"an Order of this Court, for the said Abda beirg returned 
"to him. And sheweth. That the said Abda was, and ought 
''still, to be held, in actuall possession by the Complainant, 
"for life, for 

"1. He was born of a negro woman, called Hannah, who 
"was a servant, for life, to the Complainant's father: James 



9 



"Kichards, Esq., which appears by the testimony of 2 
"women, who were at the said negro woman's travaile, 
"which are herewith presented. 

"2. He was held as a servant, for life, by the said Jas. 
"Richards, and, at the decease of the said Richards, was 
■ 'inventoried and apprised, as chattells, ])elonging to his estate: 
''which appears by a copie of an article in said Inventory 
"herewith presented. In which article were included sev- 
"erall other slaves; one of which was bought by Capt. 
"Wadsworth, of Hartford, and held as such, during her life; 
"and another is still held as a slave, by the Complainant. 

"3. It also appears that the said Abda was, since the 
"decease of the said James Richards, and after the aforesaid 
"apprisement of said Abda, as chattels belonging to the said 
"estate of said James Richards, viz: in the Year of Grace, 
"1702, in the said Complainant's actual possession, as a 
"slave, by the said Abda's confession; attested by severall 
"officers in this Government; as appears by the copies of 
"seveiall Writts, herewith presented, which declare that the 
"said Abda complains to them, that the Complainant held 
"him in servitude unjustly, for a year's space, last past. 

"Which Writts bare date and are signed as folloM^eth : 

"The first is dated, 'March the 2d, 1703,' signed by 

"(ELEAZER KIMBERLY, Justice of Peace. 
"(WILLIAM PITKIN, Assistant." 

" The second is dated 'March the 9th,' 1703,' signed, 
" 'WILLIAM PITKIN, Assistant ' 

"The third is dated 'March the 29th, 1703, 'signed by 
"JOHN HAYNES, Ju. Pa.' 

"And that the Complainant did hold the said Abda in 
"such servitude, is not only evident, as aforesaid; by said 
"Abda's confession; but also by the acknowledgment of Mr. 
"Edwards, allowed by this Court to appear as an Attorney 
"for the said Abda; the said Edwards having of ten declared, 
"in this Court, that the Complainant did hold the sa,id Abda 
"in cruell servitude and was very severe to him. 



10 



"The matter of fact being thus cleared and agreed, your 
"Complamant conceives tliat he ought to have tlie said Abda 
"returned to him; in the state wherein he formerly held him, 

"For the reasons following : 

"1. According to the laws and constant practice of this 
"Colony, and all other Plantations, (as well as the Civil 
"Law :) such persons as are born of Negro bond women are 
"themselves in like condition, that is born in servitude : Nor 
"can there be any precedent in this (Tovernment or any of 
"her Majesties Plantations produced to the contrary : And 
"the laws of tliis Colony doth not say that such persons as are 
"born of negro women and supposed to be molattos shall be 
"slaves, (which was needless because of the constant practice, 
"by which they are held as such,) Yet it saith, expressly, 
"that no man shall put away or make free his Negro or 
"Molatto slave, &c, which undeniably shews and declares an 
"ai)probation of such servitude : and that molattos may be 
"held as slaves within this Government. 

"2. Whereas the hrst law of this Colony forbids the 
"taking away of any man's estate from him; without some 
"express law of this Colony, or (in want thereof) the word 
"of God page 1st. It has been alleged (to justifie the said 
"Abda's freedom) that such servitude, for life, is contrary to 
"the word of God : Against which, the Complainant offer 
"to this Honourable Court; that his holding the said Abda, 
"as a servant for life, is not contrary to the word of God: for 

"1. It was established, by the Judiciall Law, that the 
"Jews might hold, as servants for life, the children of those 
"that were of a strange nation, although l)orn among them : 
"See Levit. 25th, 45th and 46th. 

"Again : The Jews were obliged by the 4th Command- 
"ment, that their bond men, and bond women, should san- 
"tiiiu the Sabbath day; and that ComrainiduKnit was given 
"to be a rule to them, as much wdth relation to their bond 
"men and women, as any other servants : So that the morall 
'law, doth allow of such servants, as wxdl as of any others. 



11 



"jS^or can it be thought that if slavery were, in itself, 
'contrary to the morall law, it could be established in the 
'judiciall. 

"Nor, doth Christianity, as is pretended, make a Iwndman 
'to become free : for it is very evident, that, when the 
'heathen were first converted to the faith of the Gospel, 
'that conversion did not make any change at all in the state 
'of the person, considered in relation to bondage or liberty : 
'but if the person so converted, was a bondservant, before 
'that conversion, he remained so, notwithstanding that con- 
' version. See 1st Cor. 7: 21st. The word there rendered, 
'servant;' is the same with that which signifies a bondser- 
'vant, or servant for life, as it is used. Gal: 3, 28, and 
^CoU: 3d, 11th. In both which places it is declared that, 
'in relation to Christianity, it matters not whether a man 
'be bond or free. 
''On the contrary side it is pleaded : 

"1. That Abda has English blood in him, and therefore 
'is born free. 
"Answer. To which the Complainant answers : Tliat no 
such thing can be made to appear. Because the said Abda 
is a bastard, begotten and born out of marriage, as is proved 
by the lorecited testimonies, and is also confessed. And 
where there is no marriage; tliere the law snith there is no 
father. Paternity being a relation which can have no 
being, in the sense of the law, but where there is a lawfnll 
coupling of two by marriage. 

"And, whereas it is pleaded that one Jennings, an Eng- 
lish man, was the said Abda's natural! father; the Com- 
jjlainant replies, that that is a point uncapable of demon- 
stration. 

"It is said that Hannah, mother of Abda, did accuse said 
Jennings of lying with her; and so she did others, and 
some Indians; so that her accusations, if that could possibly 
prove anything, cannot prove that his blood is more Eng- 
lish than Indian. 



12 



"But it is said that our law is, that, whomsoever the 
'mother of a bastard child accuseth of being the father of 
'it, shall be reputed, therefore Jennings is his father. To 
'which the Complainant answers : 

"1. That the law necessarily supposeth the mother of 
'such bastard child to be a Christian, because she must be 
'able to confirm upon oath, in Court, the accusation she 
'makes in the time of her travail; which the aforesaid Han- 
'nah, mother of Abda, could not do, because hhe was an 
'infidell, at the time and since, and therefore her baj'e accu- 
'sation could not make Jennings to be so much as the reputed 
' father. 

"2. If Jennings were his reputed father; the true mean- 

'ing of that is, that he shall be reckoned to be his father, so 

'as to be fined for his fornication, and to his maintenance 

'in his infancy; and he carmot by being thus reputed Abda's 

'father, merely in order to punishment, convey aoy benefit 

'to him, 

"Objection 2, The Jury have judged Abda to be a freeman, 

"Answer: There is no such judgment of any such Court, 

"or verdict of any Jury produced; said Abda, never took 

"out any Writt <^e lihertate probanda; and consequently, no 

"such judgment can be made or verdict given by any Jury. 

''And yet if any Jury had so judged him; the Complainant 

"hopes this Honourable Court will see by what is herein 

"offered, they could have no just ground for any such judg- 

"ment, 

"Objection 3, He is a (Christian and therefore ought to be 
"free, 

"Answer 1, It appears not that he is a Christian, 
"2. Christianity does not dissolve his bonds of servitude, 
"as has been shewn above. 

"3. U he ought upon the account of Christianity, or 
"for any other reason, to be free, yet he ought to come at 
''that freedom by suit; for said Abda being held by the 
"Complainant, in servitude (as is confessed,) the law. Title, 



^^ Indian and Negro servants, page 85, provides that upon his 
"deserting the Complainant's service, he shall be taken up 
"and returned to the Complainant, and must be at least 
"reputed the Complainant's servant, till he sues for and 
"recovers his liberty. "G. SALTONSTALL. 

"WILL WHITIISG. 
"N. HAVEN, October the 12th, 1704." 

The result of the trial was, that the damages were awarded 
to Abda against his master; £12 thus virtually establishing 
Jiih freedom. The plea for his freedom rested on the fact 
that his father was a white man — "that Abda had English 
"blood in him, and, therefore, was born free." This con- 
sideration seems to have had an influence, as well upon the 
General Court, as upon the community. 

There appears to have been little or no objection to enslav- 
ing negroes, though this case shows that there was some 
opposition to enslaving mulattoes Still negroes and mulat- 
toes continued to be enslaved. 

The following is the Deed of Conveyance of two negroes, 
once owned by Rev. Jonathan Edwards, the great Divine : 

" KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, that 
"we, Timothy Dwight, Jr., of Northampton, and Timothy 
"Edwards, of Stoekbridge, both of the County of Hampshire, 
"and the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, 
"Executors of the last Will and Testament of Sarah Edwards, 
"late of Stoekbridge, in the County aforesaid, deceased, who 
"was Executrix of the Will and Testament of Rev. Jona- 
"than Edwards, late of Stoekbridge aforesaid, deceased, for 
"and in consideration of the sum of twenty-three pounds, 
"lawful money, to us in hand paid by John Owen, of Sims- 
"bury, in the County of Hartford, and Colony of Connec- 
"ticut, in New England, the receipt whereof we hereby 
"acknowledge, have sold, conveyed, and in open market 
"delivered, two negro slaves, viz : the one a negro mar 



14 

"named Joseph, the other a negro woman named Sne. and 
"is wife to the said Jo, which slaves were lately the proper 
"goods of said Jonathan Edwards, deceased, and were, by 
"him, bought of one Hezekiah Griswold, of Windsor; and 
"we, the said Timothy Dwight, Jr., and Timothy Edwards, 
"do covenant to and with the said John Owen, his heirs and 
"assigns, that we have good right, in ourselves, to sell and 
"convey the said negroes, Jo and Sue, to him, rs above, and 
"that he shall and may hold them, as his own proper goods, 
"from and after the date hereof. 

"In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and 
"seals, this fourth day of August, in the 33d year of his 
Majesty's reign, Anno Dom. 1759. 

"T. DWIGHT, JK. (L. S.) 
"TIMO. EDWAEDS. (L. S.) 

"Signed, Sealed and delivered 
"in the presence of us. 
"EBENEZER HUNT. 
"SETH POMEROY." 

The largest slave holder in Connecticut was Godfrey Mal- 
bone, who had been educated in Oxford ^ England, He 
owned fifty or sixty slaves on his large estate, in Brooklyn, 
some of whose descendants are living still, in the eastern 
part of the State. 

II.— THE SLAVE TRADE. 

When I was young the slave trade was still carried on by 
(Connecticut ship masters and merchant adventurers, for the 
supply of Southern ports. This trade was carried on by the 
consent of the Southern States, under the provisions of the 
Federal Constitution, until 1808, and after that time, clan- 
destinely. There was a good deal of conversation on the 
subject in private circles. 

1 had read some of the Delia Cruscan poetry, which con- 



15 

tained sentimental descriptions of the African lilave trade. 
Some of this poetry I repeated to an inteihgent Christian 
man, born ia 1727. I remember what he said in reply. 

"It was a great favor to the bondmen, among the children 
"of Israel, to be taken from the ignorant and sinful nations, 
"and admitted to some of the privileges of the chosen people 
"of God, in the land of Israel; where they could become 
"good men, and go to heaven when they died. It is a great 
"privilege for the poor negroes to be taken from the igno- 
"rant and wicked people of Guinea, and placed in a Christian 
"land, where they can become good Christians, and goto 
"heaven when they die." 

A^iews like these I often heard expressed in conversation. 
They are something like the argument addressed by John 
Hawkins, the first Englishman who engaged in the traffic, to 
Queen Elizabeth, who had reprimanded him for it. 

He declared that "he considered it an act of humanity to 
"transport men from a state of heathenism to the enjoyment 
" of the Christian religion. ' ' 

I do not know that she was convinced by his argument; 
but at any rate, she afterwards conferred on him the honor 
of knighthood; and he, as if perfectly sincere, took for the 
crest of his coat of arms, a naked demi-moor. 

Their plan was, instead of sending missionaries to Africa, 
to die of disease, or to be killed and eaten by the cannibals 
Ihere, to bring the negroes here and convert them. 

The celebrated George Whitetield, who preached power- 
fully in Connecticut, recommended the employment of negro 
slaves in Georgia; which he advocated on the ground of the 
great difficulty of procuring servants. And how could they 
be employed there,^ unless they were carried there by slave 
traders? His friend and patron, President Jonathan 
Edwards, wrote a vindication of the slave trade. This I 
state on the authority of Professor Moses Stuart. 

President Ezra Stiles, when a clergyman in Newport, 
"sent a barrel of rum by a slave ship to the coast of Africa, 



16 



"to be exchanged for a negro; and one M^as procured and 
"brought home to him." 

All this was in accordance with tlie views which prevailed, 
and the course pursued by the authorities in Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, in their reducing to slavery the Indians taken 
captive in 1637. 

"The Pequot women and children, who had been capti- 
"vated, were divided among the troops. Some were carried 
"to Connecticut, and others to Massachusetts. The 'people' 
"of Massachusetts (that is, the Colony, by legislative action,) sent 
"a number of the women and boys to the West Indies, and 
"sold them for slaves," * 

If slaves could thus be exported, why could they not be 
imported ? 

For a considerable time ship masters in the several ports of 
Connecticut were engaged, more or less, in the slave trade 
with the West Indies and the coast of Africa. 

I take the following statement from a newspaper article, 
prepared by Hon. Edwin Stearns, of Middletown, who was 
very careful in the collection of facts : 

"Upon a cursory examination of an old map of the Village 
^^ of Middletown, about the date of the Revolution, it is esti- 
" mated that there were nearly one hundred families in what 
"now comprises the city limits. Tlie names of all the Ilouse- 
"holders are given, with their occupations, as well as their 
"localities. Among these, are noted twenty -two persons 
"denominated 'Sea- Captains.' There are, also, three persons 
"denominated 'Sea-captains engaged in the slave-trade.' 
"There are, also, three notables living in the village, desig- 
"nated 'Slave- dealers.' These were, D. Walker, Captain 
"Gleason, Captain Easton, or Eason. We have heard people 
"in Middletown say that. 

"A large and profitable trade, in live-stock, was carried on, 
"between Middletown and the West Indies; the outward- 

* Trumbull's History of Connecticut, i., 92 
HIS. MAG. Vol. in, 3 



17 

"bound cargo would consist of liorscs, on deck, with hoops, 
"staves, and cornnieal, in the hold; and a full load of Guinea 
"negroes, in return. Captain Easton, who was one of tlie 
"most successful of these Yankee ship-masters and slave 
"dea.lers, would take droves of negroes to JSTew Hampshire 
"and Vermont, when the market here was dull, and exchange 
"them forliorsesand hoop-poles. D. Walker was, probably, 
"a speculator in slaves; and may have sold them to the fathers 
"of the present race of philanthropists." 

Mr. William Lyman, now living in Middlefield, and past 
eighty years of age, states that jSTehemiah Hubbard, of 
Middletown, who, if now living, (1873) would be past a hun- 
dred years of age, told him tliat he saw a cargo of slaves 
placed in the old jail in Middletown, and sold at auction. 

Other ports in Connecticut were supplied with slaves from 
Guinea or the West Indies, or sent their vessels to supply 
other States with slaves. Thus, in the year 1804, a vessel 
from Hartford brought two hundred and fifty slaves to the 
city of Charleston. Kew Haven and New London were also 
engaged iri the slave trade. When I resided in IS^ew .Haven, 
two handsome houses were pointed out to me, which were 
built by rich slave traders. Indeed, a well-appearing gentle- 
man was pointed out to me as a native of N^ew Haven, whose 
father had made a fortune in the slave trade. 

The same year that I took my degree at Yale College, I 
went in a coasting vessel to Virginia, the captain of which, 
John Anderson, a citizen of Connecticut, it was said, had been 
engaged in the slave trade. I had not the courage to ask 
him if the fact w^as so; but, in my conversation with him 
about Guinea, the Gold Coast, the Tooth Coast, the Grain 
Coast, and the Slave Coast, he showed such a familiar 
acquaintance with the country, that, incidentally, he con- 
vinced me that he had been engaged in the slave trade. 
About the year 1820, I saw that he was on trial, before a 
Court in New York, for being engaged in that trade. 

An Act was passed before 1769, by the Colonial Assembly 

B 



18 

of Connecticut, prohibiting the importation of slaves, for 
economical reasons. The Preamble reads thus : "Whereas, 
"the increase of slaves is injurious to the poor, and incon- 
"venient, therefore, EESOLVED," etc. 

The slaves, bou£::ht at a low price, were injurious to the 
poor in the way of competition, and thus brought down the 
price of labor, or threw the whites out of employment, and 
increased the taxes for supporting the poor; besides, in other 
ways, being "inconvenient." 

The slave trade, nevertheless, continued. In an old news- 
paper I found that, in 1788 a petition was presented, by the 
(Quakers of Providence, signed by Thomas Arnold, Clerk, 
to the Legislature of Connecticut, praying for the abolition 
of the slave trade in Connecticut, in which petition it is said, 
that they "have heard of one or two vessels being fitted out 
"by inhabitants of this State, that are engaged in this crinii- 
"nal traffic." It is also stated in it, that citizens of other 
States, where the trade was prohibited, were in the practice 
of cleai'ing out their vessels to Connecticut. 

After the Act of 1784, prospectively emancipating the 
slaves, slaves were transported out of the State to other 
States. A more stringent law was passed in 1788, for the 
suppression of th.e slave trade; and also a law forbidding the 
transportation of slaves from the State; as they had been 
transported to the other States. This law allowed persons 
going to reside in other States to take their slaves Muth them. 
Many years since, when I was in Georgia, I heard of a family 
of Coimecticut slaves there. But whether they were sent 
there on sale, or were carried by those who went to reside 
there, I did not learn. 

In the period between 1788, when the Federal Constitution 
was adopted, and 1808, when, under that Constitution, by 
Act of Congress, the trade was prohibited, there were many 
engaged in carrying slaves to Southern ports, though Con- 
necticut was not as extensively engaged in this business as 
some other States, nor as Great Britain. 



19 



As already mentioned, the first Act of the Connecticut 
Colony, for the prohibition of the slave trade, was pronapted 
by economical reasons. The people felt that a white popu- 
lation was preferable to a lilack population ; that every negro 
imported, occupied the place of a white man, and they 
preferred to encourage the superior race. Besides, in the 
language of Dr. Belknap, "The winter here was always 
"unfavorable to the African constitution. For this reason, 
"white laborers are preferable to blacks." 

It appears that Connecticut was one of the first Colonies 
to pass a law abolishing the slave trade. This was done in 
1769. The Legislature of Massachusetts made an attempt, 
in 1767, to do the same, but failed; but in 1788 it passed 
such an Act, prohibiting the slave trade. 

III.— SOCIAL CONDITION OF NEGROES. 

Slavery in Connecticut was a family, or patriarchal institu- 
tion. At the first, and for some time, it was almost purely 
such, as there were no Colony laws respecting it. Even to 
the last, it was largely such. The slave was under the laws 
of family government; and if, in any way, he should injure 
the public, the master was considered as largely responsible 
as, in the case of a minor child, the father is largely respon- 
sible. Accordingly, the Apostle, in the Epistle to the Gala- 
tians, says, "Now I say, that the heir, as long as he is a 
"child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he is Lord 
"of all." Now, the dift'erence between the two was, that 
the slave was reckoned as always a child, and had, by public 
law, no inheritance from his master. And he had largely 
the rights of a child, which he understood, as well as the 
child. He had a right to food, clothing, shelter, medical 
attendance when sick, support when he was old, and a decent 
burial w^hen he died. The master stood in loco parentis, and 
the slave stood in loco filii. And, not nnfrequently, there 
was the reciprocal affection implied by these relations. 



20 

According to the genius of Puritan government, which is 
a government by local law, everything was left to the parent 
and master, which could safely be left; and Colony laws 
were enacted in aid of their authority over the child, and 
over the slave. The parent and the master were expected lo 
administer correction at home, when an offence had been 
committed hy the son or the slave, unless there were public 
reasons for applying to the civil authority. 

In Doctor Leonard Bacon's Historical Discourses, page 302, 
the case of Anthony is mentioned, a negro slave of Governor 
Eaton . He had been intoxicated by drinking ' ' strong water ; ' ' 
so the Governor brought the matter before the Court, 
instead of administering the necessary punishment, as he 
would have done, if the knowledge of the crime had been 
confined to his own family. 

"The Court thought it fit, and agreed not to inflict any 
"public corporal punishment for this time; but as the Gov- 
"ernor's zeal and faithfulness hath appeared (not conniving at 
"sin in his own family) so they leave it to him, to give that 
"correction, which he, in his wisdom, shall judge meet." 

The negroes preferred that their master should j^unish 
them, and not turn them over to the civil authority. 

"John Cram and Lucretia, his wife, were slaves belonging 
"to Governor Eaton. They were growing old; and the 
"woman being troublesome in the family, the Governor 
"built for them a small house, at the head of the lot, and 
"allowed them the use of two acres of ground, and they 
"worked for him, three days in the week." — Colony Records 
of Connecticut, iv., 172. The masters of slaves felt bound to 
provide for them in their old age. 

The Guinea slaves brought into Connecticut were generally 
young; tliey were placed in svhat might be considered the 
best families in the Colony, if regard be had to intelligence, 
piety and social standing; they were taught to form regular 
habits in eating, driuking, sleeping and working, attending 
family prayers, and hearing the Scriptures read. They had 



21 



before them examples of virtue and religion, in strong con- 
trast to the moral degradation, everywhere around tliem, in 
their native country. 

Pews were set apart for them in the meeting-houses, 
where they generally were present; they were often ques- 
tioned about the sermon heard on the Sabbath. They joined 
the church, if qualified; tlieir children were often offered in 
baptism, by their believing masters or mistresses. They were 
encouraged to marry and rear families. Some of these facts 
I get from ancieiit Church Records; some from tradition; 
and some from statements which I heard, when young, made 
by owners of slaves, or by those who were bred up in families 
with them. In some of these Records of Baptisms and 
Marriages, the names of the negro children, and the names 
of their masters and mistresses who offered them in baptism, 
are given; and the names of the negroes married, and the 
names of their masters, and their consent to tiie marriage, 
are given. 

The negroes being an imitative race, readily adopted the 
customs of the whites. They adopted church going, military- 
musters on a small scale, balls, had their annual election of 
Governors — some of whom were called Kings, in remem- 
brance of the Kings in Guinea. The last of the dynasty in 
Durham was (Caesar, whom I have often seen. On election 
day he wore upon his brow what seemed a kingly crown, 
"the round and top of sovereignty;" and, from his admiring 
subjects, he received their voluntary homage. He wore a 
sword; but whether a "dagger of lath" or of steel, I do not 
remember. He was escorted by an indefatigable drummer 
and a fifer of eminence. After the election ceremonies were 
finished, all the negroes rejoiced in a feast. The whole was 
a farce; but it had its attractioTis. It was something like the 
Saturnalia of the Romans, the Carnival of the Catholics, or 
the pastime of High Jinks, in which Pleydel personated a 
moiuirch, as described in Guy Mannering. This, I believe, 
was the expiring effort of negro loyalty in Durham. Caesar, 



22 

not long after, like Charles the Fifth, abdicated his crown, 
and retired to the "mild majesty" of private life, and had 
"troops of friends" in old age. 

Miss Caulkins, in her History of Norwich, gives a very 

amusing account of the negro elections. She speaks of a 

decent gravestone in the burying ground there, bearing this 

inscription : "In memory of Boston Trouwtrow, Governor 

"of the African tribe in this town, who died 1772, aged 66." 

"After the death of this person," she says, "Sam Hunt- 

'ington was annually elected to this mock dignity, for a much 

'greater number of years, than his lionorable namesake and 

'master was to the gubernatorial chair of the State. It was 

'amusing to see this sham dignity, after liis election, riding 

'through the town, on one of his master's horses, adorned 

'with plaited gear, his Aides, on each side, a la militaire, 

'himself puffing and swelling with pomposity, sitting bolt 

'upright, and moving with a slow majestic pace, as if the 

'Universe was looking on. When he mounted or dis- 

'mounted, his Aides flew to his assistance, Iiolding his bridle, 

'putting his feet in the stirrup, and bowing to the ground 

'before him. The Great Mogul, in a triumphal procession, 

'never assumed an air of more perfect self-importance than 

'the negro Governor, at such a time." 

In many of the towns some negro, by his drollery and 
good nature, was a great favorite, atfording the people as 
much amusement as the King's fool of the olden times did 
inmates of a palace. Sixty years ago odd sayings and queer 
remarks of negroes were current. They were generally very 
willing to be the fool of the play, with the full consciousness 
that they were so. 

In the Revolutionary War a negro, named Caesar, from 
Lebanon, when a soldier, I believe on guard, took prisoner a 
British soldier, and brought him into camp. He was much 
applauded for his adroitness and bravery. But, in perform- 
ing this feat, he had violated some imperative order. The 
young officers, who were lying idle, determined that they 



23 

would hare some merriment by bringing him before a Court 
Martial for a violation of orders. The Court was organized, 
and the trial conducted with a scrupulous regard to forms 
and ceremonials. When called on for his defence, he entered 
into the joke, and only said, if I remember, "I took him," 
thus making success the measure of merit, though not secun- 
dum artem. When LaFayette, who, if not Judge Advocate, 
was one of the Judges, made a very earnest speech, in which 
he showed the enormity of the offence, magnilied the impor- 
tance of obeying orders, proving tliat success in the war must 
depend on a strict obedience to orders, and saying that, in 
his country, disobedience to orders was punished by death, 
the culprit was condemned, but recommended to mercy. 
Caesar, though pardoned, coidd not quite forgive this terrible 
speech of "Old Fayte," as he called him. He enjoyed a 
practical joke himself, but he thought "Old Fayte" carried 
the joke too far. 

Many of the negroes were musicians; most of them were 
good whistlers; some of them were drummers, lifers or 
fiddlers. Caesar, just mentioned, was met by Kev. Doctor 
Solomon Williams, the Pastor of Lebanon, who said to him : 
■'Csesar, I am told that you play 3^our fiddle on tlie Sabbath; 
"is it so?" "Yes, master," he replied, "I do a little, 
"now and then, for my conversion ! " 

Tlie Rev. Jonathan Todd, who was a Minister in Madison, 
then East Guilford, nearly fifty-eight years, had, among his 
negroes, a good fiddler. I tliink his name was Tom. He 
performed the same office in the family that the Scottish 
harpers did in the Halls of the Lords. On Thanksgiving 
Evenings the young people would collect together at the 
house of the Minister, to listen to the negro'b violin; to 
dance a few figures in the presence of Mr. and Mrs. Todd, 
who had no children; to eat pumpkin pie from the hands of 
their hostess; and always to retire after a praj^er, at nine 
o'clock. 

Many of the negro slaves in Coonecticut became hopefully 



24 



pious utider tlie Christian training which they enjoyed in 

Christian families. On the three luindred and twenty-sixtli 

page of tlie first vohime of the Annals of the American Pulpit, 

it is said of Rev. Doctor Solomon Williams, of Lebanon : 

'Mr. Williams had little apprehension of the evils of African 

'slavery, herein agreeing with his cousin. President Edwards. 

'He looked upon the captives brought hither as rescued from 

'immediate death, and considered it a mercy to the poor 

'Pagans to have found a home, even as slaves, in this land 

'of Gospel light. He bought an African hoy and girl, and 

'taught them to read the Bible; and the boy gave rvery 

'evidence of being a sincere believer in Christy He died, 

'in old age, in the full assurance of Heavenly joys." 

"An old gentleman, at the point of death, called a faith- 
'ful negro to him, telling liim that he would do him an 
'honor before he died. The fellow thanked him, and hoped 
' 'Massa would live long.' 'I intend, Oito,' said the nuister, 
' 'to allow you to be buried in the family vault.' 'Ah ! 
'Massa,' returns Cato, 'me no like dat. Ten pounds would 
'be better to Cato. He no care where ho be buried; 
'besides, Massa, suppose we be buried together, and de 
'devil come looking for Massa, in de dark he might take 
'away poor negro man in mistake.' " 

In the house which I now occupy in Durham, diea a 
Guinea negro woman, more than one hundred and five years 
old, named Ginney. When she was near her death, and 
Rev. Doctor Goodrich was requested to converse with her. 
"Yes, Massa Goodrich," said Ginney, "when I die I shall 
"go right to heaven, and knock at de door, and inquire for 
"Massa Worthington," — Rev. William Worthington, of 
Saybrook, with whom she had lived. "Massa Worthington 
"will come right to me, and I will say Gitmey's come; I 
"want you to tell God that Ginney was always a good ser- 
"vant. She never lie, never steal, never use bad 'language.' 
"Massa Worthington will go right and tell God, 'Ginney 
"was always a good servant. Siie never lie, and never steal, 



25 



"never use bad language.' And then He will come back to 
" the door and say, 'Ginney, you may come in.' And I 
"will 'go right in, and sit down in the kitchen.' " 

As already mentioiied slavery in Connecticut was a family 
institution. There was often a strong mutual attachment 
between the master and the slave. The one defended the 
interests, and it may be person, of the other, as patron or 
client. 

A Mr. Meigs, of East Guilford, now Madison, after work- 
ing with his slave on a small island near the main -land, called 
"Tuxis Island," now in the possession of the Meigs family, 
was returning from it in a boat, which being, by the waves, 
Dartially filled with water, could carry only one, which one 
should ii be ? The master sprang into the water, and left 
the slave safe in the boat. Being asked wdiy he did so ? he 
replied, "If I was drowned, I should goto heaven; but I 
"do not think Tom would." 

In many families negroes had an important position, espe- 
cially as cooks. As compared with the Indians or the Irish, 
they were epicures. They generally took care to know what 
they carried upon the table, being their own tasters. In 
other respects they showed a strong good sense that was 
often serviceable in families. 

President Dwight, on one occasion, in illustrating their 
good qualities, spoke of a negro woman in his family who 
was often consulted as to the management of his family con- 
cerns. Amused by this eulogy, some of my classmates 
laughed outright, when the Doctor broke out upon them : 
"If I thought, young gentlemen, that you would have as 
"much good judgment and good sense as my servant woman 
"has, I should have a higher opinion of you thaji I now 
"have." There was no more laughing. 

In tlie Minister's Wooing, ])y Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, 
there is a negro woman, perhaps her name is Candace, who 
is a pretty fair representative of a class which has now disap- 
peared from Connecticut, thougli still found elsewhere. It 



26 

strike me that it is a more correct portrait of a negro woman, 
than that given in Norwood, of' Fete Towmill, is of a negro 
man, by her gifted brother; though in the latter, there are 
occasional descriptions true to the negro's nature. 

The negroes were considered as lazy and improvident, 
Eev. Doctor Jared Eliot had a negro slave named Kedar, 
and Kate, his wife. One Monday, on a spring morning, he 
took them to a house and farm two or three miles fi-om the 
landing in Kilingworth, where he resided, and gave them 
provisions and tools, telling Kedar what work he should do. 
lS"ext Monday he rode over to the farm to see them. He, 
finding none of the work done, called Kedar to account. 
"Why, Massa," he replied, "it takes me all the time to 
fetch wood and water to Kate." So this excuse became 
current, as applicable to lazy husbands. 

EMAN"CIPATION OF THE l^EGKOES. 

"And, whereas sound policy requires that the abolition of 
"Slavery should be effected, as soon as may be consistent 
"with the rights of individuals and the public safety and wel- 
"fare, Therefore, Be it enacted that no Negro or Molatto child 
"that shall, after the first day of March, one thousand, seven 
"hundred, and eighty-four, be born within this State, shall 
"be held in servitude, longer than until they arrive to the 
"age of twenty-five years, notwithstanding the mother or 
"parent of such child was held in servitude, at the time of 
"its birth, but such child, at the age aforesaid, shall be free, 
"any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. " 

This Act was passed by the Legislature of 1784, the year 
after the close of the war, by which the State freed itself 
from political slavery. 

A law was passed in 1792, allowing the owners of slaves 
to emancipate them, on certain conditions. 

A law was also passed in 1797, by which negro children 
were free at twenty-one years of age. 



27 

This Emancipation Act of Connecticut, 1 consider as a 
model for wisdom and statesmanship. It was a matter of 
political economy, about which the Legislature was competent 
to form a correct jugment They legislated only for them- 
selves, and not for others. 

I once had an opportunity of referring to this Act of 
Connecticut, very much to my satisfaction. In the year 
1852 it so happened tliat, at the meeting of tlie British 
Association for the Advancement of Science, at Belfast, I 
was the accredited Representative of the United States, in 
that body. Arclibishop Whately presided over the Statistical 
Section. To a large and crowded audience a paper was read 
upon the results of euiancipation in Jamaica. A very violent 
debate, though personally courteous, soon followed, in which 
the arguments, from political economy, were all on one side. 
To sustain themselves, some of the speakers launched forth 
in extolling the glory of P^ngland in this matter, in contrast 
with the shame of the United States, and the wisdom of 
Parliament in contrast with the folly of Congress. I felt 
bound to put the thing on its true ground, so far as this 
country was concerned; and sent m}^ card, by one of the 
committee, to tlie President of the Section. As soon as the 
speaker closed, there was a great struggle for the floor, which 
tiie Archbishop regarded ^»dth entire unconcern, and holding 
my card high up, he read, "Mr. Fowler, from Massachusetts." 

Having stated that Congress had no power to emancipate, 
and ought to have no power to emancipate the slaves, I then 
went on to say, that the States had the power to do so, and 
had successfully exercised that power; and would, I trusted, 
do 80 hereafter. In doing this, I distinctly described the 
policy and wisdom of Connecticut. 

There was a shower of applause, and the Section proceeded 
to consider another subject. The next day when I took my 
seat in the Section, the Archbishop left his chair and came 
down, and took me by the hand, and said : "I was very 
"much struck wi^"!! what you said about profit and loss, as 



28 

"connected with tlie emancipation of the slaves. It reminded 
"me of what I saw in a pamphlet written about twenty years 
"since, by a Mr. Smith, who Lad resided in the West Indies, 
"Have you ever seen that pamphlet? If you have not. if 
"you will give me your address, when I return to Dublin, 
"I will send it to you." I gave him my address; he sent 
me the pamphlet, which I now have. Others, likewise, 
expressed theii approbation of the course pursued by Connec- 
ticut, and of the spirit with which she pursued that course. 

In 1848 an Act was passed by the Connecticut Legislature, 
emancipating the few remaining slaves in the State. There 
is no Preamble to this Act, and no reasons given for it, if 
there were any sufficient reasons, either in the gootl accom- 
plislied for the slaves or to their owners. The owners were 
still required to provide for their support. It is not, in its 
spirit, entirely in harmony with the Act of 1784. 

CAUSES OF EMANCIPATION. 

In the "War of the Revolution, negroes were employed in 
the Connecticut troops, who thus, in public estimation, 
became entitled to their freedom. 

In 1777 petitions were presented to the Legislature, in 
favor of the emancipation of negro slaves, some of whom 
were expected to act as soldiers. From Danl)ury, Reading, 
and other places, petitions were sent to the Legislature, for 
remuneration for slaves killed in the war. 

The vague and "glittering generalities" in the Declaration 
of Independence, were, by some, so construed as to have an 
application to slaves; tliough not intended to have such an 
application. 

Moreover, as in (Jonnecticut as elsewhere, there liave been 
vibrations in theology, so there have been fashions in morality; 
and it happens, sometimes, that vibrations in the one are in 
accordance with fashions in the others. Doctor Samuel 
Hopkins, a native of Connecticut, brought in anew theology, 



29 



entitled, "Hopkinsianism," and he also, in 1776, published 
a Dialogue, in which he endeavored to show that it was the 
duty and the interest of the American States to emancipate 
their slaves. This had its influence. .Doctor Jonathan 
Edwards, the younger, who resided many years in Connecticut, 
and who was an advocate of what was called ' ' ISTew Divinity," 
published a Sermon in 1791, on the Injustice and Impolicy of 
the Slave Trade. 

But the grand cause of the abolition of slavery in Connec- 
ticut was, that it became unprofitable to the owners and the State. 

It is to be considered that, during the Revolutionary War, 
and after the Peace of 1783, business was in a very depressed 
condition. The States had gained their independence, but 
had, to a large extent, lost their commerce with England 
and the West Indies. The agricultural interest of Connec- 
ticut, of course, ceased to be profitable. The people of New 
England, we are told by Pitkin, instead of being satisfied 
with the political liberty which they had gained, were begin- 
ning to remxove to the British Provinces, where they would 
Imve greater advantages of a commercial character, tliongh 
they must suffer the same political disabilities which they 
had fought several years to remove. As this 'state of things 
was beginning to be understood, the Legislature, in 1784, 
abolished slavery. The preamble to the law is in these 
words : "And, whereas, sound policy rerpiires that the 
"abolition of slavery should be effected, as soon as may be 
"consistent with the rights of individuals, and the public 
"safety and welfare, therefore," &c. 

This places the abolition of slavery in Connecticut, upon 
the real grounds. There is no pretence of religion, or 
morality, or humanity, about which men might differ, and 
quarrel, and sacrifice the interests of others, to satisfy their 
own notions of right. Connecticut had always claimed the 
right to say wdiat is property, and what is not property, and, 
generally, to manage her internal concerns; and now she 
exercises that right, in her own time, in her own way, and for 



30 



her own reasons. In her union with Great Britain, by 
Charter, in her union with the New England Colonies, by 
the Federal Constitution of 1643, or with the other States, 
by the Federal Constitution of 1787, she had always insisted 
on this right, and cheerfully accorded it to the other Colonies 
and States. 

Connecticut was not stimulated to this act by anything ab 
extra, by no English emissary, no conceited self-righteous 
agent, or moral demagogue; but was moved by considera- 
tions of "sound policy," and by a careful regard to "the 
rights of individuals," and the interests of all. 

During the time that the restriction on the admission of 
Missouri was ponding, I resided in New Haven, where the 
subject of slavery was frequently discussed. From men like 
Flon. Elizur Goodrich and Judge Simeon Baldwin, I learned 
that, in passing the Emancipation Act of 1784, the Connec- 
ticut Legislature were influenced by economical reasons, as the 
moving cause. In the early periods of the Commonwealth, 
there was more labor to be performed than there wei'e laborers 
to do it. After the war, tliere were more laborers than 
conld find profitable employment. 

By the provisions of tiie Act of Emancipation, twenty -five 
years must pass away before a single slave would be freed; 
so that there would be an opportunity to qualify those who 
were to be made free, to take care of themselves. The older 
slaves would l)e taken care of by their owners. The rights 
of the owners were taken care of, inasmuch as, in the inter- 
vening twenty-five years, they could arrange their business 
so that there would be but little loss, when the slave was 
emancipated. And if any one was disposed to complain of 
the law, he could sell his slaves, in the State or elsewhere. 

Twenty-five years from 1784 reach to 1809, the year after 
the slave trade ceased, under the provisions of the Federal 
Constitution. The first of March, of that year, was Emanci- 
pation Day for the slave, born twenty-five years before, if 
there was any such. I recollect that, for a number of years 



31 



after that date, the inquiry used to be made, when this slave 
or that shive was to have his freedom ? The slave thus to 
be emancipated at the age of twenty-five, felt very much as 
the apprentice who was to be emancipated when twenty-one 
years of age. The great system of apprenticeship, which 
prevailed in Connecticut, brought a great many of the w^hite 
3^outh into the same category as slaves, so far as service or 
labor was claimed by the master. Indeed, in the Federal 
Constitution, the provision for restoring fugitive apprentices 
is the sa,me as that for restoring fugitive slaves. All the 
States, therefore, were interested in having that provision in 
the Federal institution. 

As the new Federal Constitution, under which we now 
live, had not been adopted, the inquiry arises as to the 
security for property in slaves and apprentices who might 
run away. 

Tlie security was found in this, that the several Colonies 
atul States had very strict laws against the coming in of pau- 
pers and vagabonds from other States; and also for the 
protection of the several towns against their coming in, from 
other towns. While the laws and sentiments of the people 
were opposed to intrusions of this kind into Colonies and 
Towns, tJiere was, practictilly, no difficulty in the restoration 
of such persons, when they could be found. As Cliristians, 
they felt disposed to imitate the Apostle of the Gentiles who 
sent back to his master, Onesimus, a slave; as gentlemen, the}' 
felt that comity demanded this course; and, as statesmen, 
they saw the justice of freely doing tliat which was expressly 
stipulated to be done in the Constitutions of 1643 and 1789. 

As an illustration of the spirit that generally prevailed in 
the State, it may be sufficient to mention that, in 1783, after 
the Articles of Confederation hal been adopted. Governor 
Guerard, of South Carolina, wrote to John Hancock, Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, in regard to nine slaves, belonging to 
Percival Pawley, of Georgetown, South Carolina, who were 
HIS. MAG. VOL. Ill, 7. 



32 

then in Boston, in order that they might be restored. The 
wliolc matter was brought before the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts. Governor Hancock, Samuel Adams, and Tristam 
Dal ton, "^Speaker of the House, united in restoring them to 
their owners. This was live years before the present Federal 
Constitution was adopted, which, by compact, rendered this 
course obligatory. 

The same spirit of Christianity, comity and statesmanship") 
still jDrevailing, when the Federal Constitutioa of 1787 was 
framed, there was no objection raised to placing in that 
instrument the provision for the restoration of fugitive slaves 
and apprentices. It was felt to be a reasonable provision in 
all the States. 

v.— SPECIMEN ADVERTISEMENTS. 

I. 

"To 1)0 sold, a strong and healthy negro man, 29 years of 
"age, and brought up in the country to farming business. 
"Also, an able body'd wench 16 years old (with a sucking 
"child) can do all sorts of housework — for no other fault but 
"her breeding. Enquire of the printer." — New London 
^'Gazette, October, 1766. 

[I. 

"Ran away from the subscriber, a negro girl named Gin 
"24 or 25 years of age, a good looking girl. Whosoever 
"will return her to the subscriber, or secure lier, and give 
"notice shall be generously rewarded, & have all charges 
"paid. 
^"MERIDEN, March 17, 1787. ELIJAH SCOVEL." 

III. 

" FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. Run away from the 
"subscriber, of Windsor, on the I3th of May, a negro fellow 



33 

"named Tom, about five feet four inches high, is about 40 
"years old. All Masters of vessels and others are forbid 
"harboring or tailing away said negro, as I shall pay no cost 
"if he become chargeable. 
" FREDEKIC PHELPS. 

" HAPvWINTON, Aug. 27. 1790." 

TV. 

"To be sold at public vendue, o)i Tuesday, 29 of Nov. 
"instant, at the dwelling house of Capt. Enos Atwater of 
"Cheshire, deceased, a good negro wench, about 20 years 
"old." 

New Haven Gazette, JSTovember, 1786. 

Elsewhere similar advertisements were published. 

EFFECTS OF EMANCIPATION. 

The effects of emancipation were diverse in different cases; 
sometimes being a benefit, and sometimes an injury to the 
slave or his master. In most cases, so far as I haTC heard 
testimonies on the subject, for the last forty or fifty years, 
it was more advantageous to the master, and less injurious, 
than it was to the slave. 

Charles James Fox, in the British Parliament, when the 
slave trade was under consideration said, with truth : "That 
"it might be as dangerous to liberate a man used to slavery, 
"as, in the case of one who had never seen daylight, to 
"expose him, at once, to the Meridian Sun." 

But, in Connecticut, the emancipation was so gradual, 
that it gave no shock to the feelings or the interest, and no 
great advantage, to the parties concerned. And yet, even 
in Connecticut, in 1793, when the process of emancipation 
had been going on, and was to be completed ))y the Legisla- 
tive enactment, there were seen to be evils connected with 





34 

it. In an Essay, published that year in Hartford, where he 
then resided, Noah Webster. Junior, Esqr. , made the fol- 
lowing remarks : "JN^or does the restoration to freedom 
"correct the depravity of their hearts. Born and bred 
"beneath the frowns of power, neglected and despised in 
"youth, tiiey abandon themselves to ill company, and low^, 
"vicious pleasures, till their habits are formed; when manu- 
"mission, instead of destroying their habits, and repressing 
"their corrupt inclinations, serves to afford them more 
"numerous opportunities of indulging both. Thus an act of 
"strict justice to the slave, very often renders him a worse 
"member of society." 

In conversation with intelligent men, born not far from 
the year 1760, I often heard the sentiment expressed that 
the slaves, in Connecticut, were more moral, more religious, 
had larger families of children, and lived longer, than the 
free blacks. 

From undoubted testimony I have learned that many of 
the slaves lived to a great age — to a greater age tnan the free 
blacks. It is to be considered that there are now a greater 
number of mulattoes, in proportion to the whole number of 
blacks, than there were in the last century; and mulattoes 
are not as hardy, and do not live as long, as the pure negro 
or the pure white. 

In the year 1822 I visited the State Prison, or Newgate, 
as it was called, at Granby. If 1 recollect right, som.ething 
like a quarter of all the prisoners were blacks. In the July 
number of the Christian Spectator, for the year 1828, it is 
said, that "in Connecticut, one out of thirty-four of the 
"whole population are blacks, and one out of three of the 
"convicts, are blacks." This is an enormous disproportion. 
It shows that there were more than ten times as many blacks 
as whites who were convicts, as compared with the whole 
population. In the same article it is said that, in Connecti- 
cut, "in fifteen years, thirty-seven thousand dollars" were 
expended in supporting the black convicts. 



From the Warden of the Connecticut State Prison, in 
Wethersfield, I learn that, in the year 1839, tlie total num- 
ber of convicts was one hundred and eighty-three, of which 
the whites were one hundred and thirty-live, and the blacks 
forty-eight. In 1849, total, one hundred and fifty seven- 
whites, one hundred and fifteen; blacks, forty-two. In 
1869, total, two hundred — whites, one hundred and seventy- 
four; blacks, twenty-six. In 186T, total, two hundred and 
seven — whites, one hundred and seventy-seven; blacks, 
thirty. 

In view of these and other facts, it is impossible for me 
to resist the conviction that there has been a great falling off 
in the morals of negroes, in the successive generations, since 
their emancipation in Connecticut. 

To this there may be exceptional cases, in those cities 
where especial pains have been taken to promote the moral 
improvement of the negroes. 

As to the increase or diminution of the negroes and mulat- 
toes, I have ihe following statistical statements. Before 
presenting them, I would say that, as a general fact, the 
blacks, in the agricultural towns, are not as numerous, abso- 
lutely or relatively, as formerly. In Durham, for instance, 
in 1774, there were forty-four blacks, the most, or nearly all 
of them, slaves. In 1868 there were three. In the cities 
there have been, in some cases, an increase absolutely, but 
not relatively. They do not incline to agricultural labors so 
mnch as they do to domestic service, as cooks, waiters in 
hotels, barbers, shoeblacks, or other menial servants. 

It should be mentioned that the negroes have two Congre- 
gational Churches— one in Hartford, tlie other in New 
Haven; fonr Methodist Churches — one in Hartford, one in 
New Haven, one in Norwich, and one in Bridgeport; also a 
Union Church, in New Haven ; also an Episcopal Church, 
in New Haven. What is the whole number of churchgoers, 



HIS MAG. Vol. Ill, 11. 



and the wliole number of communicants, compared with those 
of former times, I have no means for determining. 

CENSUS OF THE NEGEOES, IN CONNECTICUT. 

In 1756 there were one hundred and twenty-six thousand, 
nine hundred and seventy-six wliites; and three thousand, 
six hundred and thirty-six blacks. In 1774 there were one 
hundred and ninety-one thousand, four hundred and forty- 
eight whites; and six thousand, five hundred and sixty-two 
blacks. In 1782, in Hartford County, including Middletown 
and Tolland, there were fifty-five thousand, six hundred and 
forty-seven whites; and one thousnnd, three hundred and 
twenty-six blacks. In New Haven County there were 
twenty-five tliousaild, ana ninetj^-two whites; and eight liun- 
dred and eighty-one blacks. In New London County there 
were thirty-one thousand, one hundred a.nd thirty one whites; 
and one thousand, nine hundred and twenty blacks. In 
Fairfield County there were twenty-nine thousand, seven 
hundred and twenty-two whites; and one thousand, one 
hundred and thirty-four blacks. In "Windham County there 
were twenty-eight thousand, one hundred and eighty-five 
whites; and four hundred and eighty-five blacks. And in 
Litchfield County there were thirty-three thousand, one hun- 
dred and twenty-seven whites; and five hundred and twenty- 
nine blacks. Making a total, in the entire State, of two 
hundred and two thousand, nine hundred and two whites; 
and six thousand, two hundred and eighty-one blacks. 

In 1800 there were two hundred and forty five thousand, 
six hundred and twenty-one whites; four thousand, three 
hundred and thirty free blacks; and nine hundred and fifty- 
one slaves. In 1820 there were two hundred and sixty-seven 
thousand, one hundred and sixty-one whites; free blacks, 
seven thousand, eight hundred and forty-four; and ninety- 
seven slaves. In 1840 there were three hundred and one 
thousand, eight hundred and fifty-six whites; eight thousand 



37 



one hundred and five free blacks; and seventeen slaves. In 
1860 there were four handi'ed and fifty-one thousand, five 
hundred and four whites; eight thousand, six hundred and 
twenty-seven free blacks; and sixteen Indians. And in 
1870 there were five hundred and twenty-seven thousand, 
five hundred and forty-nine whites; and nine thousand, six 
hundred and sixty-eight free blacks. 

From the statements above, it appears that in 1782, two 
years before the Act of Emancipation was passed, the number 
of the blacks, as compared with the whites, was one black for 
every thirty- two whites; and that in 1860 the number of the 
blacks, as compared with the whites, was one black for every 
fifty-two whites. This shows a great relative diminution of 
the blacks. But, in order to come to an exact opinion, it 
would be necessary to take intu the account the great emigra- 
tion of the whites to other parts of the country, and the great 
immigration of foreigners for the last thirty years, on the 
one hand, and the coming in of fugitive slaves on the other. 
It is believed, however, that the negroes have not, since their 
emancipation, by natural increase, kept their number good, 
as compared with the whites. It is also believed that the 
number of mulattoes, from illicit intercourse, has increased, 
as compared with the pure negroes. 

Whether the emancipation af the negroes in Connecticut, 
in its effects, was a mercy to them, in improving their condi- 
tion, or a punishment for their being unprofitable servants, I 
leave for others to say. 

THE I^EGEO MADE PROMINENT, AT 
CERTAIN EPOCHS. 

In 1819, '20, and '21, the public mind in Connecticut 
was excited, for the first time, to a high degree, on the 
subject of slavery, by a proposed restriction on Missouri. 
On the thirteenth of February, 1819, a Bill was called up in 
the Federal House of Representatives to admit Missouri as a 



38 

State. Mr. Tallmage, of New York, moved an amendment 
to the Bill, by which slavery would be prohibited. Missouri 
was admitted, without restriction, on the twenty-eighth of 
February, 1821, three years after the Bill was presented. 
In this period an excitement was got up in Connecticut; and 
when the Bill passed, a Senator of the State, who voted for 
it, was burned, or hung in effigy, I think in Norwich; and 
one of the Re])resentatives was, for a time, put under the 
ban. I remember seeing in College Street, New Haven, a 
company of boys marching to music, and bearing pictures 
adapted to make slavery and slave holders in Virginia, odious. 
A pamphlet, entitled Pochahontas, was prepared and published 
at the same place, for the same purpose. This demonstra- 
tion took place not far from the time of Mr. Monroe's elec- 
tion for the second term — the fourth President elected from 
Virginia, for two terms each. 

If, in 1817, Mr. George Cabot, or Ruf us King, orDeWitt 
Clinton had been elected President, instead of Mr. Monroe, 
the restriction on Missouri would not have been heard of. 

NEGPO COLLEGE. 

"NEW HAVEN, Saturday September 10th, 1831. 

"It will be seen by an advertisement in this paper, that a 
"call is made on our citizens, to meet this day, and express 
"their opinion on the expediency of establishing a College, 
"in this city, for the education of colored persons. We do 
"not know, but we are slow of heart to believe, but we con- 
"fess we cannot think there are just grounds to fear the 
"establishment of any such institution in this town. Not- 
" withstanding all the idle reports, we do not believe that 
"money can be raised for such a purpose to make it worth 
"while for any man or body of men to spend time in talking 
"in favor or against such an institution. Besides, who would 
"think of locating a School or College in a town where f orty- 
" nine-fiftieths of the inhabitants are against the project? 



39 

'There is, to be sure, one individual citizen, who has publicly 
'engaged in favor of the project, and has, for some time 
'shown an honest and commendable zeal in the work of 
'civilizing and christia,nizing the blacks, among us. There 
'is, probably, not a man in the town of more honest and 
'upright intentions; but, in this project, zeal has eaten up 
'liis better sense. If there are half a dozen others, whose 
'feelings corresj^ond with his. it is enough to say that they 
'are somewhat delirious. We repeat it, we see no cause for 
'such an excitement (growing out of a project that hardly 
'begins to be talked of, by its friends) as to call for a City- 
' meeting, at piesent. We dislike these hasty City-meetings. 
'We once knew our citizens vote, in a hurry, to involve 
'themselves in a debt of ooe hundred thousand dollars. 
'We say, give us time to hear, with ears. 

"One word more — if it is necessary to have an African 
'College, in Connecticut, may not the projectors of it, on 
'mature consideration, conchide to locate it in the town of 
'Cornwall, and there occupy the buildings prepared to their 
'hands by the friends of Indian Colleges, who flourished, in 
'these parts, a few years ago ? Cornwall possesses many 
'advantages for such an institution, over other places; and 
'it is not among the least of them, that the ladies of that 
'town readily give themselves, better for worse, and worse 
' for better, to the colored gentlemen This and other con- 
'siderations may have a strong tendency to draw the proposed 
'College to that town. We hope, therefore, that our citizens 
'will act with coolness, on this subject." 

The inhabitants of New Haven met, according to appoint- 
ment, and passed strong votes, by great majorities, in oppo- 
sition to the establishment of a ISiegro College in New Haven. 

On the tenth of September, 1831, the demonstration 
already mentioned took place, designed to prevent the estab- 
lishment of a Xegro College in New Haven. At this 
meeting of the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council and 



40 

Freemen of the city of New Haven, resolutions were passed 
in opposition to the propagation of abolition sentiments, and 
to the establishment of the proposed Negro College; and the 
reasons for this opposition were distinctly set forth. 

In 1833 the Legislature of Connecticut passed an Act by 
which it was rendered penal to establish schools in the Com- 
monwealth for the instruction of negroes from other States. 
The reason is given in the Preamble to the Act, namely : 
" That they would tend to the great increase of the colored 
' ' population of the State, and thereby to the injury of the 
"people." Substantially the same reason which was given 
for the suppression of the slave trade. In Connecticut, 
under this Act, Prudence Crandall was convicted of having 
set up such a school in Canterbury. In administering the 
law in that trial. Judge Daggett, who presided, said : ' ' The 
"persons contemplated in this Act are not citizens within the 
"obvious meaning of that Section of the Constitution of the 
' ' United States, which I have just read. ' ' 

In 1835 public meetings were held in Hartford and New 
Haven, which passed resolutions condemning the operations 
of the Abolitionists for sending incendiary and seditious 
publications into the Southern States. The sentiments 
embodied in those resolutions were in harmony, it is believed, 
with the sentiments generally entertained by the intelligent 
and patriotic people of the State. 

In the year 1838 the Legislature of the State passed an 
Act nullifying, in part, the fugitivo slave law of 1793, which 
was signed by George Washington, and voted for by the 
Connecticut delegation at that time. For such an Act the 
title was remarkable : An Act for the fulfillment of the ohliga- 
tions of this State, imposed by the Constitution of the United 
States, in regard to persons held to service or labor in one State 
and escaping into another State, and to secure the right of trial 
by jury, in the cases herein mentioned. 

In the year 1854 the Legislature of the State passed an 
Act nullifying the Fugitive Slavic Law of 1850. The Act 
was entitled, An Act for the defense of liberty in this State. 



41 



In 1865 the Legislature of Connecticut voted to amend 
the Federal Constitution for the abolition of slavery in other 
States. 

PEIVILEGE OF SUFFRAGE. 

From the first through a period of something like two 
hundred years, it was no more expected that negroes should 
have the right of suffrage in frf^emen's meetings and in town 
meetings, than that Indians or women or children should 
have tliat right. 'No law was necessary on the subject as to 
either of these classes. It is not known that they wished to 
vote, or that respectable freemen wished them to vote. A 
property qualification for voting effectually prevented the 
great mass of them from exercising the privilege of suffrage, 
even if public opinion had allowed it. Tlie people of Con- 
necticut were practical, and believed that our two-fold 
Government was created by and for white men. 

In the May Session of the Legislature in 1818, an Act was 
passed confining the privilege of suffrage to white male 
citizens of this State. 

By the State Constitution, adopted by the people, on the 
first Monday of October, 1818, the privilege of suffrage was 
confined to "white male citizens of the United States." 

In 1817 an amendment to the Constitution was proposed, 
by which negroes should have the right of suffrage, but the 
people of the State, by their vote, refused to alter the Con- 
stitution.* 

In 1865 a similar amendment was acted on by the people 
who, by their vote, refused to alter the Constitution, f 

* In the year 1847 the question of striking out the word "white'' 
wasfirstsubmittedtothepeople— Yeas, 5,353; Nays, 19, 148. Majority 
against the Measure, 13,795. 

t In the year 1865 the same question. Result — Yeas, 27,217; Nays, 
33,489. Majority against the Measure, 6,272. 

In the year 1869, at the May Session, the Legislature ratified the 



42 



INDIAN SLAYES. 

It is not tliG purpose for which this paper is prepared to 
present the history of Indian slavery in this Commonwealth. 
It may not, however, be out of place to say, m addition to 
what has already been stated, that, in the wars with the 
Indians, slaves were distributed in small numbers in the 
Colony or elsewhere. There grew up a mixed race, to some 
extent — a cross between the Indian and the negroes, some of 
whom I have seen, I heard aged people discuss the com- 
parative merits of Indian slaves and negro slaves; and they 
always gave the preference to the latter. They entertained, 
to some extent, the opinion of Mr. Palfrey, as to the 
inferiority of the Indian race. 

As to the origin of this inferiority, they could get no clue 
from the Bible, their text-book in science as well as in 
religion ; and, when the old question came up, in regard to 
the descent of all men from one pair, some rastic philosopher, 
abnormis sapiens crassaque Minerva, seeing before him speci- 
mens of three great races — the Caucasian, the African, and 
the American — would say a miracle, recorded in the Bible, 
produced the African, and a greater miracle may have pro- 
duced the Indian. 

As compared with the negroes, the Indian slaves were not 
favorites. Their passions were stronger, though their appe- 
tites were weaker; they were equally lazy, improvident and 
unprofitable. 

In the inventory of Gabriel Harris, of New London, in 
1684, an "Indian maid-servant" is valued at £15. 

In the History of New London, it is stated that John Prentis, 
in his will, in 1711, distributed his "Indian servants" as 

amendment to the Federal Constitution, allowing negroes to vote. 
Senate — Yeas, 12; Nays, 5. House— Yeas, 126; Nays, 104. 

Had this question been submitte 1 directly to the people for decision, 
in 1869, it is believed that the decision would have been different, and 
in accordance with former decisions. 



43 

follows : 'To my son-in-law, Thomas Hosmer, of Hartford, 
"one black girl, Simone, till she is 30 — then she is to be 
"free. To my son-in-law, .Tohn Bulkley, Bilhah — to be 
"free at 32. To my daughter, Sarah, Zilpha — to be free 
"at 32. To my daughter, Elizabeth, a black boy named 
"Hannibal, to be free at 35. To Scipio, I have promised 
"freedom at 30. Rachel, the Mother, I give to Irene — also 
"little one, with her, named Dido, who is to be free at 32." 

APPRENTICESHIP. 

Formerly, a great system of apprenticeship, borrowed from 
England, prevailed in this country. In that system, parents 
of Selectmen of the town indentured boys at fourteen years 
of age, and girls, perhaps younger — the former to stay with a 
master or mistress until twenty-one years of age, and the 
latter until eighteen. Parents often felt that it was a great 
privilege to place their children in this way in respectable, 
intelligent and religious families. Like the children of the 
family, like the slaves, they were to receive family instruc- 
tion, and, when necessary, family punishment. 

When apprentices or slaves became discontented and ran 
away from their masters, they were advertised in the news- 
papers, after they were established. It must be in the 
recollection of some present, that runaway apprentices were 
advertised in almost every paper published in the State, or 
in some parts of the State. 

In the same way, at an earlier period, runaway slaves were 
advertised. 

LAWS RELATING TO SLAVERY. 

There have never been any laws in the Commonwealth of 
C'onnecticut creatinir property in slaves, any more than there 
have been laws creating property in horses. Such laws were 
deemed unnecessary, inasmuch as property can exist indepen- 



44 



dently of law. The dogma that property in slaves is the 
creature of local law, and the figment that all property is the 
creature of law, were not accepted in ancient Connecticut. 
These slaves, whether purchased or inherited, the poople 
regarded as, in the language of Scripture, their "money." 
There were, however, many laws passed recognizing slaves 
as property, chattels. The people did not regard slaves as 
having any political rights which they were Ijound to respect. 
\Z In the year 1 660 Massachusetts passed the following law 
establishing negro slavery in the Colony : 

AN ACT KESPECTmG BOND-SLAVEEY. 

"It is ordered by this Court and by Authority thereof : 
"That there shall never be any bond-slavery, villianage, or 
"captivity amongst us, unless, it be Lawful captives, taken 
"in just Wars, (or such) as (shall) willingly sell themselves, 
"or are sold to us; and such shall have the liberties, and 
"Christian usuage which the Law of God, established in 
"Israel, concerning such persons, doth morally require, 
"provided this exempts none from servitude, who shall be 
"judged thereto by Authority. — 1641." 

Massachusetts Laws, Ed. 1660, P. 5. 

This law establishing slavery in that Colony, Connecticut, 
though often disposed to "trot after the bay horse," appears 
not to have been adopted; though, in many respects, the 
legislation of Connecticut, in regard to slavery, was similar 
to that of Massachusetts. 

SLAVERY, IN 1816. 

The following from Judge Reeves's work on "Domestic 
Relations," page 483, illustrates tins subject : 

"At present, 1816, it is difficult to find, in tlie State of 
"Connecticut, a slave. A Statute of this State, previous to 
"March, 1784, was enacted, declaring, that all persons born 



45 

"of slaves, after the first of March, 1784, should be free at 
"the age of twenty-five; and a subsequent Statute enacts, 
"that all so born, after the first of August, 1797, should be 
"free at twenty -one. These Statutes, with a Statute forbid- 
"ding the importation of slaves, by land or w^ater, will, in a 
"short time, put a period to slavery in this State; as those 
"born before 1784, most of them, have been emancipated by 
' ' their masters, so that scarcely a slave can be found. The 
"law, as heretofore practised, in this State, respecting slaves, 
"must now be uninteresting. I will, however, lest the slavery 
"which prevailed in this State, should be forgotten, mention 
"some things, that show that slavery, here, was very far 
"from being of the absolute, rigid kind. 

"The master had no control over the life of his slave. If 
"he killed him, he was liable to the same punishment as if 
"he killed a freeman. The master was as hable to be sued 
"by the slave, in an action for beating or wounding, or for 
"immoderate chastisement, as he would be, if he had thus 
"treated an apprentice. A slave was capable of holding 
"property, in character of devisee or legatee. If the master 
"sliould take away such property, his slave would be entitled 
"to an action against him by his prochein ami If one should 
"take away a slave from the owner, without his consent, 
"trover could not be maintained; but a special action on the 
"case. From the whole, we see, that slaves had the same 
"rights of life and property as apprentices; and that the 
"difference betwixt them, was this : an apprentice is a ser- 
"vant for time, and the slave is a servant for life. Slaves 
"could not contract, in Connecticut; for this is specially 
"forbidden by Statute. 

"If a slave married a free woman, witli tlie consent of his 
"master, he was emancipated; for his master had suffered 
"him to contract a relation inconsistent with a state of 
"slavery. The right and duties of a husband are incompati- 
"ble with a state of slavery. The master, by his consent, 
"had agreed to abandon his right to him as a slave. So, 



46 

"too, it has been holden, that a minor child is emancipated 
"from his father, when l;e is married. Ld. Raym., 356. A 
"slave might be sold, in Connecticut, and the evidence of 
"the sale must be a Bill of Sale, and he might be taken in 
"execution, and sold at the post. When it is observed, that 
"slavery is not known at Common Law, it is not denied that 
' ' men may be punished with slavery for life, for crimes, with 
"perfect consistency with the principles of the Common Law. 
"If the Legislature can make laws, the transgression of which 
"may be punished with death, they can surely condemn to a 
''loss of liberty." 

LAWS OF CONNECTICUT, RESPECTING 
NEGEOES. 

L 

AN ACT for the punishment of Defamation. 

And that if any Negro, Indian, or Molatto Slave, shall Utter, 
Publish, or Speak such words of, or concerning any other 
Person that would by Law be Actionable if Uttered, Pub- 
lished, or Spoken, by any Free Person of. or concerning any 
other; such Negro, Indian, or Molatto-Slave, being thereof Con- 
victed before any one Assistant, or Justice of the Peace, 
(who are hereby Impowered to Hear and Determine the same) 
shall be punished by Whipping on the naken Body, at the 
Discretion of the Assistant, or Justice before whom the 
Trial is, (Eespect being had to the Circumstances of the (Jase) 
not exceeding Forty Stripes. And such Slave so Convict, 
shall by such Authority be Sold, or Disposed of to defray all 
Charges arising thereupon : Unless the same be by his or 
her Master or Mistress paid and answered, 

Provided nevertheless. That such Slave be not debarred from 
making such Pleas, and offerirg Evidences as his, her, or 
their Defence or Justification on such Trial as any other Per- 



47 



son might make Use of, being Sued in an Action of Defama- 
tion, so far as relates to the Trial before said Assistant or 
Justice, any Thing above to the contrary not withstanding.^ 

II. 

And whereas Indian, and Molatto- Servants, and Slaves are 
very apt to be Turbulent ; and often to be Quarrelling with White 
People, to the great Disturbance of the Peace, 

Be it therefore further Enacted by the Authority afore said 
That if any Indian, Negro, or Molatto-Servant, or Slave, shall 
Disturb the Peace, as afore said; or shall Offer to Strike any 
White-Person, and be thereof Convicted, such Servant, or 
Slave shall be punished by Whipping, at the Discretion of 
the Court, Assistant, or Justice that shall have Cognizance 
thereof : Not exceeding Thirty Stripes for One Offence, f 

III. 

AN ACT concerning Indian, Molatto, and Negro 
Servants and Slaves, j^ 

Be it Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Representatives, in 
General Court Assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That 
whatsoever Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servant, or Servants 
shall be found Wandering out of the Bounds of the Town, 
or Place to which they belong without a Ticket, or Pass in 
Writing under the Hand of some Assistant, or Justice of the 
Peace, or under the hand of the Master, or Owner of such 
Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servants, shall be deemed, and 
Accounted to bo Pun-aways, and may be treated as such : 
And every Person Inhabiting in this Colony, Finding, or 

* Appears in the Revision of the Laws of 1750, p. 40. Passed May, 
1730. 

+ Revision of 1750, p. 185. Passed May Session, HOH.- Colonial 
Records, v., 52. 

t Revision of 1750, p. 229 



48 

Meeting with any such Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servant, or 
Servants not having a Ticket, as aforesaid, is hereby Impovv- 
ered to Seise, and Secure him, or thera, and Bring him, or 
them before the next Authority to be Examined, and Returned 
to his, or their Master, or Owner, who shall satisfy the 
Charge Accruing thereby, 

And all Ferry-Men within this Colony, are hereby Required 
not to suffer any Indian, Molatto, or Negro Servant, without 
Certificate, as aforesaid, to pass over their Respective Ferries, 
by Assisting them therein Directly, or Indirectly, on the 
Penalty of paying a Fine of Twenty Shillings for every such 
Offense, to the Owner of such Servants. 

And all Vagrants, or Suspected Persons may be Used in 
the like Manner, when found "Wandering from Town to 
Town having no Certificate, or Pass, as aforesaid, who shall 
be seised, and Conveyed before the next Authority, to be 
Examined, and Disposed of according to Law. 

And if any Free Negroes shall travel without such Certifi- 
cate, or 'Pass, and be Stopped, Seised, or Taken up, as 
aforesaid, tliey sliall pay all charges arising thereby.* 

And for the Preventing sueh Servants from Stealing from their 
Masters, and Others; and for the better Governing them. 

Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That every 
Free Person which shall presume, either Openly, or Privately 
to Buy, or Receive of, or from any Indian, Molatto, or Negro 
Servant, or Slave any Money, Goods, IMerchandizes, "Wares, 
or Provisions without order from the Master, or Mistress of 
such Servant, or Slave; every Person so Offending, and 
being thereof Convicted, shall be Sentenced to Restore all 
such Money, Goods, Merchandizes, Wares, and Provisions 
unto the Party Injured, in Specie, (if not Altered) and also 
Forfeit to the Party Double the Value thereof, over, and 
above; or Treble the Value where the same are Disposed of, 
or Made away; And if the Person so Offending be Unable 
to, or shall not make Restitution, as Awarded, then to be 
* Passed Octobei*. 1690. — Colonial Records, iv., 40. 



49 

Openly Whipt with so many Stripes, (not exceeding Twenty) 
as the Court, or Justice that hath the (Cognizance of such 
offence shall Order; or make Satisfaction by Service, To be 
Assigned therein l)y such Court, or Justice. And every 
Indian, Negro, or Molatto Servant, or Slave, of, or from whom 
such Money, Goods, Merchandizes, Wares, or Provisions 
shall be Received, or Bought, if it appear they were Stolen; 
or that shall Steal any Money, Goods, Merchandizes, Wares, 
or Provisions, and be thereof Convicted, (altliough the Buyer, 
or Peceiver be not found) shall be punished bj Whipping; 
not exceeding Thirty Stripes, and the Things Stolen to be 
Restored to the Party Injured, if found, or the Value thereof 
if not found : To be determined, as aforesaid.* 

That if any Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servant, or Slave shall 
be found Abroad from Home in tlie Night Season after Nine 
of the Clock, without special Order from his, or their Mas- 
ter, or Mistress, it shall be Lawful for any Person, or Persons 
to Apprehend, and Secure such Negro, Molatto, or Indian 
Servant, or Slave so Offending, and him, her, or them Bring- 
before the next Assistant, or Justice of tlie Peace; Which 
Authority shall have full Power to pass Sentence upon such 
Servant, or Slave, and Order him, her, or them to be pub- 
lickly Whipped on the Naken Body; Not Exceeding Ten 
Stripes, and to pay Cose of Court; Except his, or their 
Master, or jVIistress sliall Pedeem them, by paying a Eine, 
not Exceeding Ten Shillings. 

And if such Servants, or Slaves shall have Entertainment 
in any House after Nine of the Clock, as aforesaid, (Except 
to do any Business tliey may be sent upon) the Head of the 
Eamily that Entertains, or Tolerates them in his, or her 
House, or any the Dependences thereof, shall Forfeit, and 
Pay the Sum of Ten Shillings : One Half to the Complainer, 
and the other Half to the Treasurer of the Town where the 
Offence is committed. 

■" This section passed May, 1708. — Colonial Records, v., 52. 
D 



50 

And all Constables, and Grand- Jurors, and Ty thing-Men 
are Required to make Enquiry into and Present all Breaches 
of this Act.* 

And for Preventing Disorders, and Insolences from being Com- 
mitted by Indians brought from other Plantations; and for Pre- 
venting Charges coming upon Towns by Negro, Indian and 
Molatto Servants, and Slaves Coming, and being made Free, And 
that all Slaves set at Liberty by their Owners; and all Negro, 
Molatto, or Spanish Indians who are Servants to Masters for 
Time, in case they come to Want after they shall be so set 
at Liberty, or the Time of their said Service be Expired, 
snail be Ilelieved by such Owners, or Masters respectively, 
their Heirs, Executors, or Administrators; and upon their, 
or eitiier of their Refusal so to do, the said Slaves, and Ser- 
vants shall be Relieved l^y the Select-lVIen of the Towns to 
which they belong: And the said Select-Men shall Recover 
of the said Owners or Masters, their IJeirs, Executors or 
Administrators all the Charge, and Cost they are at for such 
Relief, in the Usual Miumer as in the case of any other 
Debts, t 

lY. 

AN ACT for prohibiting the Importation of Indian, 
Negro, or Molatto Slaves, j;. 

Whereas the Increase of Slaves in this Colony is injurious to 
the Poor, and inconvenient : 

Be it Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Representa- 
tives, in General Court assembled, and by the Authority of 
the same. That no Indian, Negro, or Molatto Slave, shall, at 
any Time hereafter be brought or imported into this Colony, 
by Sea or Land, from any Place or places whatsoever, to be 
disposed of, left, or sold within this Colony. 

* This section passed May, 1723. 

t Passed May, 1711. — Colonial Records, v., 233. 

X Passed October, 1774. 



51 

Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That any 
Person or Persons, who shdl hereafter, contrary to the true 
intent of this Act, import or bring any Indian, Negro, or 
Molatto Slave or Slaves into this Colony, to be disposed of, 
left, or sold within the same, or who knowing such Slave or 
Slaves to be so imported and l)rought into this Colony, shall 
receive or purchase them or any of them, shall forfeit and 
pay to the Treasurer of this Colony the Sum of One Hundred 
Pounds lawful money, for every Slave so imported, brought 
into this Colony, received, or purcha3ed, to be recovered by 
Bill, Plaint, or Information, in any Court of llecord proper 
to try the same. 

And that it shall be the Duty of all Constaljles and Grand 
Jurors to enquire after, and make Presentment of all Bree.ches 
of this Act. 

V. 

AN ACT in addition to, and alteration of an Act, entitled 

"AJN ACT concerning Indian, Molatto, and 

"Negro Servants and Slaves." 

Whereas it stands Enacted in said Act, "That all Slaves set 
"at Liberty by their Owners, and all Negro, Molatto or Spanish 
"Indians who are Servants to Masters for Time, in Case they come 
'-to Want after they shall be set at Liberty, or the time of their 
"said Service be expired, shall be relieved by such Owner, or Mas- 
"ter respectively, their Heirs, Executors, or Administrators." 

Therefore, Be it enacted by the Governor, Council, and Repre- 
sentatives, in General Court assembled, and by the Authority of 
the same. That if any Master or Owner of any Servant or 
Slave, siiall apply to the Select-men of the Town to which 
he belongs, for Liberty or Licence to Emancipate or make 
Free any such Servant or Slave it shall be the Duty of such 
Select-men to inquire into the Age, Abilities, Circumstances 
and Character of such Servant or Slave, and if they or the 
major Part of them, shall be of Opinion that it is likely to 



52 

be consistant with the real Advantage of such Servant or 
Slave, and that it is probable that the Servant or Slave will 
be able to support his or her own Person, and that he or she 
is of good and peaceable Life and Conversation; such Select- 
men or the maior Part of them, shall give to the Owner or 
Master of such Servant or Slave, a Certificate under their 
Hands of their Opinion in the Premises, and that the Master 
or Owner of such Servant or Slave hath Liberty to emanci- 
pate and set at Liberty such Servant or Slave. And if the 
Master or Owner of any Servant or Slave shall, on receiving 
such Certificate, emancipate and set at Liberty such Servant 
or Slave, he, his Heirs, Executors and Administrators, shall 
be forever discharged from any Charge or Cost which may be 
occasioned by m.aintaining or supporting the Servant or Slave 
made Free as aforesaid; any Law, Usage, or Custom to the 
contrary notwithstanding. * 

And Whereas sound policy requires that abolition of slavery 
should be effected as soon as may be consistent with the rights of 
individuals, and the public safety and welfare. Tlierefore, Be it 
enacted, That no negro or molatto child, that shall after the 
first day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, 
be born within this State, shall be held in servitude, longer 
than until they arrive to the age of twenty-five years, not- 
withstanding the mother or parent of such child was held in 
servitude at the time of its birth; but such child, at the age 
aforesaid shall be free : any law, usage, or custom to the 
contrary notwithstanding. f 

* Passed in October, 1777. 

f Passed at the Revision, in 1784. 



53 



VI. 



CHAP. II 

AN ACT in addition to, and alteration of "AN ACT, 

" concerning indian, mulatto, and negro 

"Servants, and Slaves." * 

Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre 
sentatives in General Court assembled, That if any Master or 
Owner of any Slave, shall be disposed to emancipate and 
make free such slave, and shall apply to any two of the civil 
authority, or one of the civil authority and two of the select- 
men of the town, to which he belongs, it shall be the duty of 
said authority, or authority and selectmen (as the case may 
be) to enquire into the jiealth and age of such slave, and if 
they find upon examination, that such slave is in good health, 
and is not of greater age than forty-five years, or less age 
than twenty-five years, said authority, or authority and 
selectmen shall give to the owner or master of such slave a 
certificate thereof under tlieir hands. Provided that previous 
to giving such certificate, the persons giving the same shall 
be convinced l)y actual examination, of the slave to be made 
free by such certificate, that he or she is desirous thereof. 

And if the master, or owner of any slave, shall on receiv- 
ing such certificate, emancipate and set at liberty such slave, 
he, his heirs, executors and administrators shall be forever 
discharged from any charge, or cost, which may be occasioned 
by maintaining or supporting the slave made free as afore- 
said. Provided, That the letter of emancipation and certificate, 
shall be recorded in the records of the town where the master 
of such slave resides. 

* Enacted in May, 1792. 



54 



VII. 



CHAP. III. 

AN ACT in addition to an Act entitled "AN ACT concerning 
"indian, mulatto, and negro Servants and Slaves."* 

Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives, in General Court assembled, That no negro or mulatto 
cliild, born within this state after the first day of August, 
1797 shall be held in servitude longer than until he or she 
arrive to the age of twenty-one years; not withstanding the 
mother or parent of such child was held in servitude at the 
time of its birth, but such child at the age aforesaid shall be 
free : any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwith- 
standing. 



VIII. 



CHAP. IV. 

AN" ACT to repeal certain Paragraphs of an Act entitled 

"AN ACT concerning indian, mulatto, and 

"negro Servants and Slaves." f 

Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives in General Court assembled, That the first, second, 
third, fourth, fifth, sixtli, seventh and eighth paragraphs of 
said act l)e, and they are hereby repealed. 



* Enacted in May, 1797. 
t Enacted in October, 1797. 



55 

IX. 
CHAP. Y. 

AN ACT to prevent the^Slave Trade.* 

Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives in General Court assembled, That no citizen or inhabi- 
tant of this state, shall for him self, or any other person, 
either as master, factor, super cargo, owner or hirer, in 
whole, or in part, of any vessel, directly or indirectly, import 
or transport, or buy or sell, or receive on board his or her 
vessel with intent to cause to be imported or transported, 
any of the inhabitants of any country in Africa, as slaves or 
servants, for term of years; upon penalty of one hundred and 
sixty seven dollars, for every person so received on board as 
aforesaid; and of one thousand six hundred and sixty seven dol- 
lars for every such vessel employed in the importation or 
transportation afore said; to be recovered by action, bill, 
plaint, or information : the one half to the plaintiff, and the 
other half to the uses of this state. And all insurance which 
shall be made in this state, on any vessel fitted out to the 
intent afore said, and employed as afore said, or on any slave 
or servants shipped on board as afore said for the pnr|_>ose 
afore said, shall be void. And this act may be given in 
evidence, under the general issue in any suit commenced for 
the recovery of such insurance. Be it further enacted That if 
any person shall kidnap, decoy or forcibly carry off, out of 
this state, any free negro, Indian, or mulatto, or any person 
entitled to freedom at the age of twenty-five years inliabitants 
or residents within this state; or shall be aidinpc or assistinir 
therein, and be thereof tluly convicted, shall forfeit three 
hundred and thirty four dollars to the use of this state; to be 
recovered by bill, plaint, or information, presented by any 

* Enacted in October, 1788. 
HIS. MAG. Vol. Ill, 19. 



56 

friends of sucli inhabitant or resident, which he is hereby 
authorized to do. And the court before whom the trial shall 
be, shall, in addition to said penalt}^, on conviction, give to 
the prosecutor, for the use of such injured iahabitant, or his 
family, (if any he have) such sum in damages, as they shall 
judge just and reasonable, to be applied in such way and 
manner as the court shall direct; and the said prosecutor 
shall give bond, with surety, before the court, for the appli- 
cation of the sums recovered, before he has execution thereof. 
Provided, That nothing in this act shall operate to prevent 
persons removing out of this state, for the purpose of resi- 
dence, from carrying or transporting with them, such negroes 
or mulattoes, as belong to them, or to prevent persons living 
within this state, fro)n directing their servants out of this 
state, about their ordinary and necessary business. And he it 
further enacted, That all persons who now are, or hereafter 
shall be possessed of any child, or children, born after tlie 
first day of March, 1784, and which hy law shall be free at 
the age of twenty-five years, sliall within six months from 
the rising of this assembly, or withi^i six months after the 
birth of any such child, deliver, or cause to be delivered to 
tlie town clerk of the town where such possessor belongs, the 
name of such possessor, as also the age, name, and sex of 
every such child or children, on oath to the best of his or her 
knowledge, under the penalty of seven dollars, for each and 
every month's neglect, to be recovered before an assistant or 
justice of the peace; the one half to the complainant, and 
the other half to the use of the poor of the town where such 
child or children live. 



57 



At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut holden at 
New Haven in said State, on the 2d Thursday of Oct. A. D. 1788. 

AN ACT to prevent the Slave-Trade. 

Be it enacted by the Governour, Council and representatives in 
General tourt assembled, and by the authority of the same ; That 
no citizen or inliabitant of tin's State shall for himself or any 
other person, either as a master, factor, super cargo, owner 
or hirer, in whole or in part, of any vessel, directly or 
indirectly, import or transport, or buy or sell, or receive on 
board his or her vessel, with intent to cause to be imported 
or transported, any of the inhabitants of any country in 
Africa, as Slaves or servants for term of years; upon penalty 
of fifty pounds for every person so received on board as 
aforesaid; and of five hundred pounds for every such vessel 
imployed in the importation or transportation aforesaid; to 
be recovered by action, bill, plaint, or information, the one 
half to the plaintiff, and the other half to the use of the 
State : and all insurance, which shall be made in this State, 
on any vessel fitted out to the intent aforesaid and employed 
as aforesaid, or on any slaves or servants shipped on board 
as aforesaid, for the purpose aforesaid: shall be void, and 
this act may be given in evidence, under the general issue, 
in any suit commenced for the recovery of such insurance. 

Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any 
])erson shall kidnap, decoy or forcibly carry off out of this 
State, any free Negro, Indian, Mulatto, or any person enti- 
tled to freedom at the age of twenty-five years, inhabitants 
or residents within this State, or shall be aiding or assisting 
therein, and be thereof duly convicted, shall forfeit one 
hundred pounds to the use of this State, to be recovered by 
bill, plaint or information, presented by any friend of such 
inhabitant or resident, which he is hereby authorized to do; 



58 



and tlie court before whom the tiial shall be, shall in addition 
to said penalty, on conviction, give to the prosecutor, for tlie 
use of such injured inhabitant, or his family, if any he have, 
such sum in damages, as they shall judge just and reasonable, 
to be applied in such way and manner, as the court shall 
direct; and the said prosecutor shall give bond, with surety, 
before the Court, for the due application of the sums recov- 
ered, before he has execution thereof. Provided that nothing 
in this act shall operate to prevent persons removing out of 
this State, for the purpose of residence, from carrying or 
transporting with them, such Negroes or Mulattoes, as belong 
to them, or to prevent persons living within this State, from 
directing their servants out of this State, about their ordi- 
nary and necessary business. 

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid ; That 
the owner, master or factor of each and every vessel clearing 
out for the coast of Africa, or suspected by any citizen of 
this State, to be intended for the slave trade in any part of 
the world, and the suspicion being declared to the naval 
officer, by such citizen, on oath, and such information being 
to the satisfaction of such naval officer, shall first give bond 
with sufficient sureties, to the treasurer of this State, in One 
thousand pounds, that none of the natives of Africa or any 
other foreign country, shall be taken on board said ship or 
vessel, during her voyage, with intent to be transported as 
slaves, to any other part of the world. 

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid ; That kH 
persons who now are or hereafter shall !)e jiossesscd of any 
children born after the first day of March 1784 and which by 
law shall be free at the age of twenty five years, shall within 
six months from the rising of this Assembly, or within six 
months after the birth of any such child, deliver or cause 1o 
be delivered to the town clerk of the town, where such pos- 
sessor belongs, the name of such possessor, as also tlin age, 
name and &ex of every such child or children, on oath, to the 
best of his or her knowledge under the penalty of forty 



59 

shilliiififs for each and every month's neglect, to be recovered 
before an assistant or justice of the peft,ce, the one half to the 
complainant and the other half to use of the poor of the 
town where such children live. 

XI. 

CHAP. VI. 

AN ACT in addition to .an Act, entitled "AN ACT to 
"prevent the slave trade." * 

Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives in the General Court assembled, That any forfeiture 
incurred by the breach of the tliird paragraph of said act, 
may be recovered by action, bill, plaint, or information, the 
one half to the plaintiff, and the other half to the use of tiiis 
State. 

XII. 

CHAP. VII. 

AN ACT in addition to an Act, entitled "AN ACT to 
"prevent the Slave Trade." f 

Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives in General Court assetnbled, That no citizen or inhabi- 
tant of this state, shall transport out of this state for tlie 
purpose of selling into any other state, country or kingdom, 
cither directly or indirectly, or buy or sell with intent to 
transport out of this state, or shall sell if transported, or 
shall aid, assist, or abet in buying or selling for the purpose 
aforesaid, or transporting into any other state, country or 
kingdom, any negro, mulatto, slave or servant, for years, 
upon penalty of three hundred and thirty four dollars, to be 

* Enacted in October, 1789. 
t Enacted in May, 1792. 



60 

recovered by action, bill, plaint or information, The one half 
to the plaintiff, and the other half to the use of this state. 
And all notes, bonds, mortgages, or securities of any kind or 
description, made or executed in payment, or part payment, 
for any negro, Indian, mulatto, slave or servant, bought or 
sold, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, are 
hereby declared void, and of no effect. Provided, That 
nothing in this act shall ope)"ate to prevent persons removing 
out of this state for the purpose of residence, from carrying 
or transporting with them such negroes, Indians, or mulattoes, 
as belong to them, or to persons living within this state, from 
directing their servants out of this state, about their ordinary 
business and necessary business. Be it further Enacted by the 
Authority aforesaid, That all Indians, Male, or Female, of 
what Age soever, Imported, or Bronght into this Colony by 
Sea, or Land from any Place whatsoever, to be Disposed of, 
Left, or Sold within this Colony, shall be Forfeited to the 
Treasury of this Colony, and may be seised, and Taken 
accordingly; Unless the Person, or Persons Importing, or 
Bringing in such Indian or Indians shall give Security to 
some Naval Officer in this Colony of Fifty Pounds per Head 
to Transport, or Carry out the same again within the Space 
of one Months next after their coming, not to be Peturned 
back to this Colony. 

And every Master of Ship, or Vessel, Merchant, or Person 
whatsoever Importing, or Bringing into this Colony, by Sea, 
or Land any Indian, or Indians, Male, or Female, as aforesaid, 
shall within the Space of Twenty Four Hours after tlieir 
Arrival, or Coming in, Report, and Enter their Names, 
Number, and Sex, and give Security to some Naval Officer, 
as aforesaid, on pain of Forfeiting to the Treasury of this 
Colony the Sum of Fifty Pounds per Head : To be Sued for, 
and Recovered in any of His Majesty's Courts of Record, 
by Action, Bill, Plaint, or Information. 



61 

XIII. 

Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, repealed in 1797, are the 
first eight Sections of the law, on Page 229 of the Laws, 
Edition of 1769. 

In May 1717. In the Lower House, a bill passed prohibit- 
ing negroes, purchasing land without liberty from the House 
and also from living in families of their own, without such 
liberty. 

XIV 

An Act was passed in 1838 entitled, An Act for the fulfil- 
ment of the obligations of this State, imposed by the Constitution 
of the United States, in regard to persons held to service or lahor 
in one State escaping into another, and to secure the right of Trial 
by Jury, in the eases herein mentioned. 

The Act is too long to be copied here. The real object of 
the Act was, to nullify the Act of Congress, passed in 1793, 
for the return of fugitive slaves.* 

XV. 

(Law of 1844.) 

SECTION 5. No Judge, Justice of the peace, or other, 
appointed under the authority of this State, shall l)e author- 
ised as snch, to issue, or serve any warrant or process, for the 
arrest, or detention, of any person escaping into this State 
claimed to be a fugitive from labor or service, as a Slave; 
under the laws of any other State or country, or to grant a 
certificate of the title of any claimant to the services of any 
such person, with a view to his detention, or his removal out 
of this State, and any such Warrant or process so issued, and 
any certificate so granted by any Judge, Justice of the peace, 
or other officer of this State, shall be utterly void, and shall 

* See Local Law, pp. 97, 98. 



62 

constitute no justification for any act done under the same; 
provided, that notliing herein contained shall be construed to 
impair any rights, which by the Constitution of the United 
States, may pertain to any person, to whom, by the laws of 
any other State, labor or service may be due, from any 
fugitive escaping into this State, or to prevent the exercise 
in this State of any powers which may have been conferred 
by Congress, on any Judge or other officer, of the United 
States, in relation to such rights. 

XYI. 
AN ^CT TO PREVENT SLAVERY. 

SEC. 1. BE IT ENACTED lij the Senate and House of 
Representatives, in General Assembly convened, that no person 
shall hereafter be holden in Slavery. 

SEC. 2. All persons until this time held in Slavery, and 
all persons heretofore Slaves, who have been emancipated by 
their masters, if they are reduced to want, shall be supported 
by their former Masters, their lieirs, executors, and adminis- 
trators, and on their refusal, the Select-men of the town 
where such persons belong, shall provide for their support; 
and the town shall be entitled, in proportion on the case, 
to recover all the expense of such support from the former 
Masters of snch persons, or their heirs. Executors or Admin- 
istrators, provided that nothing herein contained shall apply to 
cases where the Master emancipating his slave, has been 
heretofore exempted by law from liability for his support. 

SEC. 3. The first, second, third, sixth, and seventh 
Sections of an Act entitled an Act to prevent slavery are 
hereby repealed. 

Approved June 12, 1848. 



63 



XYll. 

AN A^yT for the Defense of Liberty in this State, 
passed in 1854. 

SECT. 1. Every person who shall falsely and malicionsly 
declare, represent, or pretend, that any free person entitled 
to freedom, is a slav^e, or owes service or labor to any person 
or persons, with intent to procure or to aid or assist in pro- 
curing the forcible removal of such free person from this 
State as a Slave, shall pay a fine of five thousand dollars and 
be imprisoned five years in the Connecticut State prison, 

SECT. 2. In all cases arising under this Act, the truth of 
any declaration, representation or pretense, that any person 
being or having been in this State is or was a slave, or owes 
or did owe service or labor to any other person or persons, 
shall not be deemed prove*!, except by the testimony of at 
least two credible witnesses testifying to facts directly tending 
to establish the truth of such declaration, pretense or repre- 
sentation, or by legal evidence equivalent thereto. 

SECT. 3. Every person who shall wrongfully and 
maliciously seize, or procure to be seized, any free person 
entitled to freedom, with intent to have such free j^erson 
held in slavery, shall pay a fine of five thousand dollars and 
be imprisoned five years in the Connecticut State prison. 

SECT. 4. Upon the trial of any prosecution arising 
under this act, no deposition sliall be admitted as evidence 
of the truth of any statement in such deposition contained. 

SECT. 5. If. upon the trial of any prosecution arising 
under this act, any witness shall, in behalf of the party 
accused, and with intent to aid him in his defense, falsely 
and wilfully, in testifying, represent or pretend, that any 
person is or ever was a slave, or does or did owe service or 
labor to any person or persons, such witness shall pay a fine 
of five thousaiid dollars, and be imprisoned five years in the 
Connecticut State prison. 



64 

SECT. 0. Whenever complaint or information shall be 
made against any person for any offense described in any 
section of this act, and upon such complaint or information, 
a warrant shall have been duly issued for the arrest of such 
person, any person who shall hinder or obstruct a Sheriff, 
Deputy Sheriff or Constable in the servrice of such warrant, 
or shall aid such accused person in escaping from the pursuit 
of such officer, shall be imprisoned one year in the Connecti- 
cut State prison. 

SECT. 7. No declaration, pretense or representation that 
any ])erson is or was an apprentice for a fixed term of years 
or owes or did owe service merely as such an apprentice, for 
such fixed term, shall be deemed prohibited by this act, and 
no such declaration, pretense or representation that any person 
is or was such an apprentice for such fixed term, or owes or 
did owe service merely as such an apprentice lor such fixed 
term, shall be liable to any penalty under this act. 

XVIII. 

I. In the year 1818, when the Constitution was adopted, 
in that instrument, white citizens only were allowed to vote. 

II. In the year ] 847, the question of striking out the 
word "white" was first submitted to the people — Yeas five 
thousand, three hundred, and fifty-three; Nays nineteen 
thousand, one hundred, and forty-eight; Majority against the 
measure, thirteen tliousand, seven hundred, and ninety-five. 

III. In tlie year 1865, the same question was submitted 
and resulted. Yeas twenty-seven thousand, two hundred, and 
seventeen; Nays thirty-three thousand, four hundred, and 
eighty-nine; Majority against the measure, six thousand, two 
hundred, and seventy- two. 

ly. In the year 1869, at the May Session, the Legislature 
ratified the amendment to the Federal Constitution, allowing 
negroes to vote. Senate, Yeas twelve, Nays five; House, 
Yeas one hundred and twenty-six, Nays one hundred and four. 

This vote of the Legislature seems to have been a partisan 
vote. 



SOME BRIEF REMARKS 

ON 

The Address of the 

Honorable CKARL[S FRANCIS AOAMS, LLD,, 

PRONOUNCED ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEDICATION OF A NEW 

LIBRARY BUILDING FOR THE USE OF THE 

'' STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, OF 

WISCONSIN," 

Founded by the late 
LYMAN C. DRAPER, 



SOME BRIEF REMARKS 

ON THE ADDRESS OF 

Horn CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, LU D, 



At Madison, Wisconsin, on the 19th October last, there 
was a notable gathering, assembled for the dedication of a 
new, spacious nnd handsomely appointed library building, 
needed for the accommodation of the vast accumulation of 
books, newspapers, pamphlets and manuscripts of the "State 
Historical Society of Wisconsin." The orator of the day 
was the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL. D., President of 
tlie Massachusetts Historical Society. The writer's purpose 
is, to comment on a portion of this somewhat remarkable 
address on slavery. Before doing so, he is impelled to refer 
to the splendid life work of the late Lyman C. Draper as 
there exhibited ! A public-spirited citizen, to whose intelli- 
gent foresight and continuous labors this truly great library, 
in a distant Northwestern State, owes its existence, in a little 
more than a generation of time ! 

Our late gifted townsman, William Gilmore Simms, many 
years ago, wrote these expressive lines, which might be truth- 
fully included in Mr. Draper's epitaph : 

"O ! Boy ! Man ! What a world is in the keeping, 
Of him who nobly aims and bravely toils ; 
Speed to the work, we'll all have time for sleeping, 
When we have shuffled off these mortal coils." 

The late Mr. Draper evidently lived in an appreciative 
community, who were responsive to his high aims; among 
people who believed that history, literature, scholarship, 
represent the higher development of every community, with 
the capacity to value the genius, which cannot work with 
material instruments; yet, which once recognized, stands 
thenceforth, as a part of the glory of the whole people ! This 
splendid example of individual effort should be an iticcntive 
to older communities; to be imitated, with the certainty of 
beneficent results ! 



68 



The Truth of History. 

Mr. Adams represents the fourth generation of a family, 
with prominent representatives in each, and identified with 
tlie public life of the "Federal Union" for a century and a 
quarter. His topic was "the sifted grain and the grain 
sifter,-" and he has referred to African Slavery, and its 
j)olitical sequences in so new and interesting a fashion, as to 
make his views of consequence, containing as they do, some 
most surprising statements of facts not heretofore appearing, 
while he carefully omits, many pertinent matters which should 
have been most certainly included in a so-called historical paper. 
The implication of this able and eloquent address is, to 
separate the "Southern, or late Slave States"of the "Federal 
Union"from the Northern States; the former are made to 
represent all manner of wickedness, while the latter, from the 
implied altitude of superiority, have moved on the elevated 
line of " the stars in their courses." 

" The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifter." 

We make some quotations from his address relating to 
slavery, and will comment on them with the purpose of 
supplying important information which, in an historical address 
on African slavery in the "Federal Union,"&\um\d be regarded as 
obligatory, and cannot very well be ignored, or attempted, 
as in this case. 

In doing so the writer disclaims any intention of initiating 
anew a discussion or controversy on African slavery; the 
institution has passed away long years ago, and no intelligent 
Southerner desires, or would consent to its recall; when the 
slaves were set free, their owners were emancipated from a 
colossal burden; yes, forever released ! More than a gener- 
ation has passed since, with absolute governmental control of 
the freedman, even under " War Powers;" with several 
varieties of damaging experiments tried, and ending in utter 
failure, and the question is, as yet unanswered, what best to 



69 

do? Like Eanquo's ghost, it will not down ! Unfortunately 
for the whole country, the end is not yet! 

The writer has seen a cargo of naked Africans crowded 
into a slave ship, brought into the port of Charleston by 
capture, on its way . to the West Indies, just previous to 
"the War between the States;" the scene is fixed in memory; 
and life-long thoughts have been present since. Here was 
witnessed barbarism, thousands of years old, at the portal of 
civilization, and these African? were remanded to barbarism. 
There has remained since, the reflection that for six genera- 
tions — the care and responsibility for such barbarism has been 
fixed on the Southern people by the ship owners and mariners 
of Old and New England, who each amassed and put away vast 
wealth from this sinister traflic ! Again, the knowledge of 
the marvellous change from these specimens of barbaric 
Africans, compared to their numerous descendants, in and 
out of the South, civilized and Christianized, and the alleged 
despised masters who wrouo;ht this marvellous change, 
through six generations of time, did so as charged, ''against 
the stars in their courses." 

A gifted waiter has recently said: "■Tiiey had to train and 
teacli a race of savages — a race which had never known the 
rudiments of decency, civilization or religion; a jieople 
which, despite the labors of colonists and missionaries, is seen 
in Africa to-day, as they were a thousand years ago; but a 
race which, influenced by these lives, taught by these 
Southern people for six generations, proved in the day of 
trial the most faithful of servants, and was declared in 1863, 
by the j^orthein people, to be its equal in civil and political 
rights." 

* -Sfr « * * * 

(1) "Two and fifty years ago, wdien, in the summer of 
1848, Wisconsin first took shape as a recognized political 
organization — a new factor in man's development — human 
evolution was laboring over two problems — nationality and sla- 
very. Slavery — that is, the ownership of one man, or one 



70 

class of men, hj another man, or class of men — had existed, 
and been accepted as a matter of course, from the beginning. 

Historically, the proposition did not admit of doubt. In 
Great Britain bondage had only recently disappeared, and in 
Russia it was still the rule; while, among the less advanced 
nations, its rightfulness was nowhere challenged. With us 
here in America, it was a question of race. The equality of 
whites before the law w^as an article of political faith; not so 
that of the blacks. The Africans were distinctly an inferior 
order of being, and, as such, not only in the Southern, or 
Slave States, but throughout the North also, not entitled to 
the unrestricted pursuit on equal terms of life, liberty and 
happiness. Hence a herce contention — the phase, as it 
presented itself on the land discovered by Columbus in 1492, 
of the struggle inaugurated by Luther in 1517. Its work 
was thus, so to speak, cut out for Wisconsin in advance of 
its being. Its place in the design of the great historical 
scheme j)renatally assigned to it. How, then, did it address 
itself to its task ? How perform the wi>rk thus given it to 
do ? Did it, standing in the front rank of progress, help the 
great scheme along ? Or, identifying itself with that reac- 
tionist movement ever on foot, did it strive with the stars in 
their courses ? ' ' 

(2) ' ' Here in the United States the form in which the 
issue of the future took shape between 1S30, when it first 
presented itself, and 18-18, when Wisconsin entered the sister- 
hood of States, is even yet only partially understood, in such 
occult ways did the forces of development interact and exer- 
cise influence on each other. For reasons not easy to explain, 
also, certain States came forward as the more active expo- 
nents of antagonistic ideas — on the one side Massachusetts; 
on the other first, Virginia, and later South Carolina. The 
great and long sustained debate, which closed in an appeal to 
force in the spring of 1861 , must now be conceded as some- 
tliing well nigh inevitable from fundamental conditions which 
dated from the beginning. It was not a question of slavery ; 



71 

it was one of nationality. The issue had presented itself over 
and over again in various forms, and in different parts of the 
country, ever since the Constitution had been adopted — now 
in Pennsylvania, now in Tennessee, now in New England, 
even here in Wisconsin; hut, in its most concrete form, in 
South Carolina. It was a struggle for mastery between 
centripetal and centrifugal forces. At the close slavery was, 
it is true, the immediate cause of quarrel, but the seat of 
disturbance lay deeper. In another country, and under 
other conditions, it Avas the identical struggle which, in feudal 
times, went on in Great Britain, in France, and in Spain, 
and which, more recently, and in our own day only, we have 
seen brought to a close in Germany and in Italy — the struggle 
of a rising spirit of nationality to overcome the clannish 
instinct — the desire for local independence. ' ' 

(3) "In the beginning, Virginia stood forward as the 
exponent of State Sovereignty. Jefferson was its mouth- 
piece. It was he who drew up the famous Virginia a,nd 
Kentucky Resolutions of 1798-99, and his election to the 
Presidency in 1800 was the recognized victory of the school 
of States' Rights over Federalism. Later the parties changed 
sides — as political parties are wont to do. Possession of the 
Government led to a marked modification of views; new 
issues were presented; and, in 1807, the policy which took 
shape in Jefferson's Embargo, converted the Federalist into 
a disunion organization, which disappeared from existence in 
the famous Hartford Convention of 1814-15. New England 
was then the centre of the parly of the centrifugal force, and 
the issues were commercial. Fortunately, up to 1815, the 
issue between the spirit of local sovereignty and the ever- 
growing sense of nationality had not taken shape over any 
matter of difference sufficiently great and far-reaching to 
provoke an appeal to force. Not the less for that was the 
danger of conflict there — a sufficient cause and suitable occa- 
sion only were wanting, and those under ordinary conditions 
might be counted upon to present tliemselvcs in due course 



72 

of time. They did present themselves in 1832, still under 
the economical guise. But now the moral issue lurked 
behind, though the South did not yet stand directly opposed 
to the advancing spirit of the age. But Nullification — the 
logical outcome of the theory of absolute State Sovereignty^ — 
was enunciated by Calhoun, and South Carolina took from 
Virginia the lead in the reactionary movement from nation- 
ality. The danger once more passed away; but it is ol>vious 
to us now, and, it would seem, should have been plain to any 
cool-headed observer then, that, when the issue next presented 
itself, a trial of strength would be well nigh inevitable. The 
doctrine of State Sovereignty^ having assumed the shape of 
Nullitication, would next develop that of Secession, and the 
direct issue over Nationality would be presented.'" 

(4) "Almost before the last indications of danger over 
the economical question had disappeared, slavery loomed 
ominously up. They did not realize it at the time, but it 
was now an angry wrangle over a step in the progressive 
evolution of the human race. The equality of man before 
the law and his Maker was insisted upon, and was denied. 
It was a portentous issue, for in it human destiny was chal- 
lenged. The desperate risk the Southern States then took is 
plain enough now. They entered upon a distinctly reac- 
tionary movement against two of the foremost growing forces 
of human development — the tendency to natioTiality and the 
humanitarian spirit. Though they knew it not, they were 
arraying themselves against the very stars in their courses.*' 

(5) ' ' While in the South it j^assed from Virginia to Caro- 
lina, in the North it remained in Massachusetts. Three men 
then came forward there, voicing more clearly than any or 
all others what was in the mind of tlie community in the way 
of aspiration, whether moral or political. These three were: 
William Lloyd Garrison, Daniel Webster and John Qidncy Adams ^ 
they were the prophetic voices of that phase of American political 
evolution then in process. Their messages, too, were curiously 
divergent; and yet, apparently contradictory, they were, in 



73 

reality, supplementary to each other. Garrison developed 
the purely moral side of the coming issue. Webster preached 
nationality, under the guise of love of the Union. Adams, 
combining the two, pointed out a way to the establishment 
of the riglits of man under the Constitution, and within the 
Union." 

(6) "Recurring, then, to the three men I have named as 
voicing systematically a message of special significance in 
connection with the phase of political evolution, or of develoj)- 
ment, if that word is preferred, then going on — Garrison's 
message was distinctly moral and humanitarian. Jn a sense, 
it was reactionary, and violently so. In it there was no 
appeal to patriotism, no recognition even of nationality. On 
the contrary, in the lofty atmosphere of humanitarianism in 
which he had his being, I doubt if Garrison ever inhaled a 
distinctly patriotic breath; while he certainly denounced the 
Constitution, and assailed the Union. He saw only the 
moral wrong of slavery, its absolute denial of the fundamental 
principle of the equality of men before the law and before 
God, and the world became his — where freedom was, there 
was his country. To arouse the dormant conscience of the 
community by the fierce and increasing denunciation of a 
great wrong, was his mission, and he fulfilled it; but, 
curiously enough, the end he labored for came in the way he 
least foresaw, and through the very instrumentality he had most 
vehemently denounced — it came within that Union which he 
had described as a compact with death, and under that Con- 
stitution winch he had arraigned as a covenant with hell. 
Yet Garrison was undeniably a prophet, voicing the Gospel 
as he saw it, fearlessly and without pause. As such, he 
contributed potently to the final result." 

(7) "Next Webster. It was the mission of Daniel Web- 
ster to preach nationality. In doing so, he spoke in words 
of massive eloquence in direct harmony with the most pro- 
nounced aspiration of his time — that aspiration which has 
asserted itself, and worked the most manifest results of the 



74 

nineteentli century in both hemispheres — in Spain and Pruseia 
during the Napoleonic war, in Russia during the long 
Sclavonic upheaval; again more recently in Germany and 
Italy, and finally in the LTnited States. The np.mes of Stein, 
of Cuvour, and of Bismarck, are scarcely more associated 
with this great instinctive movement of the century, than is 
that of Daniel Webster. His mission it was to preach to 
this people Union, one and indivisible; and he delivered his 
message. ' ' 

(8) "The mission of J. Q. Adams, during his best and 
latest years, while a combination of that of the two others, 
was different from either. His message, carefully thought 
out, long retained, and at last distinctly enunciated, was his 
answer to the Jeffersonian theory of State Sovereignty, and 
Calhoun's doctrine of Nullification and its logical outcome. 
Secession. With both theory and doctrine, and their results, 
he had during his long political career been confronted; on 
both he had reflected much. It was during the administra- 
tion of Jefferson, and on the question of Union, that he had, 
in 1807, broken with his party and resigned from the Senate; 
and with Calhoun he had been closely associated in the cabinet 
of Monroe. Calhoun also had occupied the Yice- Presidential 
chair during his own administration. He now met Calhoun 
face to face on the slavery issue, propheticallv proclaiming a 
remedy for the moral wrong and the vindication of the rights 
of man, within the Union and under the Constitution, through the 
exercise of inherent war powers, whenever an issue between the 
sections should assume the insurrectionary shape. In other words, 
Garrison's moral result was to be secured, not through the agencies 
Garrison advocated, but by force of that nationality which Webster 
proclaimed. This solution of the issue, J. Q. Adams never wearied 
of enunciating, early and late, by act, speech and letter; and his 
view prevailed in the end. Lincoln's proclamation of Januai-y, 
1863, was but the formal declaration of the policy enunciated 
by J. Q. Adams, on the floor of Congress in 1836, and again 
in 18'11, and yet again in greater detail in 1S42. It was he 



75 

who thus brought the abstract moral doctrines of Garrison 
into unison of movement with the nationality of Webster." 

"The time now drew near when Wisconsin was to take her 
place in the Union, and exert her share of influence on the 
national polity, and through that polity on a phase of political 
evolution. South Carolina, by the voice of Calhoun, was 
preaching reaction through slavery, and in defiance of 
nationality; Massachusetts, through Garrison and Webster, 
was proclaiming the moral idea and nationality asabstiactions; 
while J. Q. Adams confronted Calhoun with the ominous contention 
that, the instant he or his had recourse to force, that instant the 
moral wrong could he made good hy the sword wielded in defense 
of Nationality, and in the name of the Constitution." 

"Returning now to the Presidential election of 1848, it 
will be found that Wisconsin, the youngest community in the 
Union, came at once to the front as the banner State of the 
West in support of the principles on which the Union was 
established, and the maintenance and vindication of chose 
fundamental principles within the Union and through the 
Constitution ? ? ? In that canvas the great issues of the future 
were distinctly brought to the front." 

"For the disciples of J. Q. Adams in bothpolitical camps, 
it was as if the cry had again gone forth : "To your tents, 
O Israel ! " — and a first fierce blast of the coming storm 
then swept across the land. In August the Dissentients met 
in conference at Buffalo, and there first enunciated the prin- 
ciples of the American political party of the future — that 
party which, permeated by the sentiment of Nationality, was 
destined to do away with slavery through the war power, and to 
incorporate into the Constitution the principle of the equality of 
man before the law, irrespective of color or of race." 

"In 1836 Mr. Adams represented in Congress what was 
then the Massachusetts "Plymouth" District. In April of 
that year the issue, whicli, just twenty-five years later, was 
to result in overt civil war, was far-t assuming shape; for, on 
the 21st of the month, tlie battle of San Jacinto was fought, 



76 

resulting immediately in the independence of Texas, and 
more remotely in its annexation to the United States, and 
the consequent War of Spoliation (1846-48) with Mexico. 
At the same time petitions in great number were pouring 
into Congress from the Northern States, asking for the aboli- 
tion of slavery, and the prohibition of the domestic slave 
trade, in the District of Columbia; the admission into the 
Union of Arkansas, with a Constitution recognizing slavery, 
was also under consideration. In the course of a long per- 
sonal letter, dated April 4th, 1836 written to the Hon. 
Solomon Tiincoln, of Hingham, a prominent constituent of 
his, Mr. Adams made the following incidental reference to 
the whole subject, indicative of the degree to which the 
question of martial law as a possible factctr in the solution of 
the problem then occupied his mind : 

"The new pretension of the slave representations in Con- 
gress, of a right to refuse to receive petitions, and that Con- 
gress have no Constitutional power to abolish slavery or the 
slave trade in the District of Columbia, forced upon me so 
much of the discussion as 1 did take upon me, but in which 
you are well aware I did not, and could not speak a tenth 
part of my mind. I did not, for example, start the questioQ 
whether ])y the Law of God a,nd of Nature, man can hold 
proj^erty, hereditary property in man — I did not start the 
question whether in the event of a servile insurrection and 
war. Congress would nst have complete, unlimited control 
over the whole subject of slavery, even to the emancipation 
of all the slaves in the State where such insurrection should 
break out, and for the suppression of which the freedom of 
Plymouth and Norfolk Counties, Massachusetts, should be 
called by Act of Congress to pour out their treasures and to 
shed their blood. Had I spoken my mind on those two 
points, the sturdiest of the Abolitionists would have dis- 
avowed the sentiments of their champion." 

* -;■:- * * * * 

Keferring to the first quoted paragraph (1), read in con- 
nection with the Constitution of the "Federal Union," and 



77 

with Mr, Adams' graphic description of the imiversalitj of 
human bondage at tliat date in many forms, the writer linds 
for the first time, this new declaration of two problems — 
"Nationality or Slavery?" It seems so strange that no 
allusion is made, at this point of the address, to the organic 
law of the land, which unquestionably recognized slavery as 
property, and representation in Congress based thereon, tvith 
the equally consjiicuons fact that there would have been no 
"Federal Union" without such recognition, for at that date 
slaver-y really existed in all the "old thirteen;" writing, too, 
of a period when slave property was represented in Congress; 
when every member before taking his seat, was obliged to 
take an oath to support and defend that Constitution. This 
new declaration must be accepted as the date of that " higher 
law" than the Constitution, and of course, made in secret, 
and it will be interesting to follow its subsequent course. 

In the second paragraph quoted (2), the orator is quite 
discoursive, and brings to his aid a presentation of conditions 
abroad, running through four centuries of time, when, as a 
matter of fact, the conditions in our "Federal Union," under 
a written Constitution, were only properly to be considered. 
To substitute for this, a sentimental picture of "the rising spirit 
of Nationality, to overcome the desire for local indepen- 
dence," to deny the naked fact that the true meaning of the 
war issue with England in 1776, as presented in the "Decla- 
ration of Independence," and achieved by a seven years war, 
with costly sacrifices, in which South Carolina had borne the 
larger share, was the purpose to secure the then most desired 
end — "the consent of the governed " as a primal condition in the 
new "Federal Union," is what Mr. Adams goes on record 
as asserting and believing. 

In reading tlie third (3) quoted paragraph, one cannot but 
admire the truthfulness of the narrative, in exhibiting New 
England as the orginator of secession and disunion, and 
especially for purely local causes, asserting forcefully the 
dogma of "the consent of the governed ; " this is certainly 



78 

treated historieally, and in its proper place. And true it also 
is, that disunion had its origin in New England, and but for 
the peace of 1815, the purpose behind the Hartford Conven- 
tion would have culminated in the withdrawal of those States 
from the "Federal Union;" yet how remarkable is the 
further fact, that the. orator utters no word of regret or cen- 
sure at the intentions of these selfish and deliberate Revolu- 
tionists, fixed in purpose to go to the extreme of disunion, to 
assert and defend their supposed heal interests ! 

In the fourth (4) quoted paragraph, Mr. Adams is again 
eloquently sentimental — he refers pathetically to the "progres- 
sive evolution of the human race," "the equality of man 
before the law (?) and his Maker insisted on," "human 
destiny challenged," "arraying themselves against the very 
stars in their courses," etc. 

The writer reviewing these curious utterances, is forced to 
think them out of place in an historical address; that the real 
origin and progress of slavery, and its resultant conditions in 
the "Federal Union," would have been more appropriate if 
treated historically; and as it is absolutely necessary to amend 
this faulty record, to have a proper understanding of the 
subject, under the Constitution, the writer will supply some 
of the omissions. 

Ever since Captain William Hawkins, about 1531, visited 
the Guinea Coast and carried off Africans to slavery, followed 
by his son. Captain John Hawkins, who founded on an 
extensive scale, the English Slave Trade, England for 270 years 
led the world in this dreadful traffic, in which New England 
largely participated, as a good second ! It is a notorious fact, 
that the African slaves in America were landed in Southern 
ports, by the ship owners and mariners of Old and JMew 
England; it was a lucrative trade, and was pursued relent- 
lessly by these money-loving and money-getting people up to 
the early years of the XIX Century. Large fortunes were 
realized on a single successful voyage ; when this is multiplied 
by hundreds, and even thousands of voyages, the aggregate 



79 



of wealth must have been enormous on both sides of the 
Atlantic ! What, then, has l)ecome of this large wealth ? 
These immense profits from slav^e trading ? It will scarcely 
be denied that much of it is still in existence; the thrift of 
Old and New England, through careful investments and 
reinvestments, may be traced to-day into thousands of family 
estates, paying to descendants their regular semi-annual 
dividends. It is then highly probable that desj^ite the 
"stars in their- courses," families in Old and New England are 
yet receiving incomes from slavery and the slave trade, due 
to that acquisitive phase of financial prescience, which, 
towards the end of the infamous business, passed acts of 
emancipation, to be effective at future dates, affording ample 
time and full opportunity to turn their slaves into cash in 
Southern markets ! If any emancipation act in a Northern 
State ever caused the loss of the value of one slave, the writer 
would like to have the evidence of that fact. The generally 
received opinion is, that to get into a favorable position, to 
move with "the stars in their courses," was skilfully accom- 
plished without pecuniary loss. 

Northern slave owners having successfully changed their 
investments from slave property to numerous secure invest- 
ments, unloading their slaves on the South, we have in the 
fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth paragraphs the open declaration 
of the deliberate purpose to destroy the property sold by 
them, despite the explicit protection of the Federal Constitu- 
tion. This effort for spoliation was made through long years, 
and as the public is now authoritatively informed, with the 
secret purpose of so shaping events as to evade all compensa- 
tion for this property; to destroy it, and so prostrate the 
twelve States interested materially and politieally by these 
losses in this class of property. 

While Garrison is reported as an open revolutionist against 
the organic law, and is neither reproached nor censured by 
Mr. Adams, the truly great Webster was pleading for the 
Constitutional Union of the Fathers, and for this patriotic 
appeal was politically ignored and publicly denounced ! 



80 



"So earth's best teachers have been overborne 

By the coarse crowd, and fainting, droop or die; 
They bear the cross, their bleeding brows the thorns, 
And ever hear the clamor — Crucify! " 

Ex-President J, Q. Adams, as herein recorded by his 
grandson, was the author of the scheme by which the war 
powers of the Federal Union, despite the Constitution, which 
he had many times solemnly sw'orn as President and Member 
of Congress to uphold and defend, was to be secretly the 
means to the end ! ! ! 

The writer fully understands, and as fully appreciates the 
change of thought on the subject of African slavery; true 
it is, that "the thouglits of men are widened with the process 
of the suns." Yet it may be remarked that the poet's 
thought was not exclusively accepted in Northern commu- 
nities. 

It may well be properly recalled that before England 
abolished slavery, her Parliament provided compensation to 
owners, and paid for the slaves she set free ! ! In the move- 
ment against African slavery in tlie Federal Union, continued 
surreptitiously, according to Mr. Adams, through an entire 
generation of time, no instance can be recalled of an indi- 
vidual, town meeting, or any convention of tlie party, that now 
boasts of the destruction of the institution, where a voice 
was ever raised to pay for the property to be so destroyed! 

In this way, with untold millions of slave money still 
in their possession, a revolutionary "remedy for the moral 
wrong, and the vindication of the rights of man, within 
the Union, and under tlie Constitution ( ? ? ? ), through the 
exercise of inherent war powers, was found." In the pres- 
ence of such conditions it is well to note the very con- 
spiciious fact, that in putting into execution this purpose, it 
was done outside of the organic law of the Federal Union, 
and not until after the act was the Constitution amended to 
suit the new conditions. 

Mr. Adams' address on slavery, with its unexpected admis- 



81 



sions and omissions, its remarkable statements, should have 
further comment, but the writer's limit of space is filled, 
and a concluding paragraph must suffice. 

While New England was plying its profitable vocation, in 
the slave trade, the public records of South Carolina show, 
that as early as 1698, and in 1712, 1714, 1716, 1740, 1744, 
1764, Acts of the Commons House of Assembly were publicly 
protesting against these slave importations ! That after 
making all the money possible, and themselves owning slaves, 
they passed Acts of Emancipation to mature in afier years; 
"ad interim" they sold their slaves to the South, and rein- 
vested the proceeds in good interest-bearing securities. Hav- 
ing successfully accomplished this, they began an anti- 
slavery movement, antagonistic to the Federal Constitution 
and, that more than one who had solemnly sworn to uphold 
and defend that Constitution, were for years secretl}" plotting 
the destruction of the institution, without compensation, and 
finally succeeded in destroying $2,000,000,000 (two billions 
of property) ! ! And this was not the sum total of loss — 
the depreciation of lands in the South, was also enormous 
and accounts for the physical prostration of the Southern 
States through an entire generation of time! The pretend- 
ers to superior sanctity, w^ith their pockets stuffed full of 
slave-trade money certainly achieved a great success ! ! ! In 
the presence of such threatening and unparalleled losses, 
is there any wonder that a brave people should have resisted 
this spoliations ; believing that "It is better for us to die in 
battle than to behold the calamities of our people — and our 
sanctuary.-' 



V' 



.> . 



^ 



LB My '0" 



